




Book 



: a4 



:sentj-:d BY 



THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST 
IN OLD FRENCH 
LITERATURE 



BY 

MARY MORTON WOOD 



Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements 

for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the 

Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University 




COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
1917 



Columbia Winibmiiy 

STUDIES IN ROMANCE PHILOLOGY AND 
LITERATURE 




THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD 
FRENCH LITERATURE 



COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
SALES AGENTS 

New York: 

LEMCKE & BUECHNER 

30-32 West 27th Street 



London: 
HUMPHREY MILFORD 
Amen Corner, E.C. 



THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST 
IN OLD FRENCH 
LITERATURE 



BY 



MARY MORTON WOOD 



Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements 

for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the 

Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University 



jj2tto gotfe 

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 

1917 






Copyright, 1917 
By Columbia University Press 



Printed from type, October, 1917 



Gift 

Th« University 

NOV G-W 



NOTE 

Approved for publication, on behalf of the Department 
of Romance Languages and Literatures in Columbia 
University. 

Henry Alfred Todd 

New York, 
Jan. 31, 1917 



TOUT HOMME A DEUX PAYS, LE SIEN ET PUIS LA FRANCE 



PREFACE 

The present study is an effort to discover the problems of 
social justice and personal liberty that interested the more 
thoughtful writers of medieval France. 

The intent has been to submit each author's views in his 
own words, with as little as may be of twentieth century inter- 
pretation. As the passages quoted, however, comprise less than 
a fiftieth part of the material originally selected for presentation, 
it will be seen that much abridgment has been necessary; but 
since the excluded portions are mere reiterations of the thought, 
their omission in no degree changes the purport of any passage. 
Except in the case of a few obvious errors, the textual reading 
of the editions cited has been followed. In the matter of the 
English rendering, the controlling principle has been regard 
for the convenience of the English reader. On the one hand, 
literal exactness has been sacrificed whenever the meaning of the 
original has thereby become clearer; on the other hand, no 
attempt has been made to smooth away the roughness of the 
original when a literal version could convey the sense. 

Like all other students of Romance Philology at Columbia 
University, the writer of this study has found inspiration in 
the accurate scholarship and generous assistance of Prof. H . A. 
Todd. The effort to win the high prize of his approval has 
at least made the present work less unworthy than it would 
otherwise have been. 

MARY MORTON WOOD 

Columbia University 
December, 1916 



CONTENTS 

INTRODUCTION page 

The Scope op this Study 1 

The meaning of the term Protest — A brief appreciation of 
the works used in this study. 

CHAPTER I 

Protest Against the Social Order 11 

Kingship a duty, not a right — Banishment of a just man a 
usurpation of power — The origin of the royal authority in the 
power of the strong man in barbarous society — The king's duty 
to preserve peace with other nations — The misery of the poor — 
The oppression of the nobles — The rapacity of ecclesiastical 
overlords — The origin of property tenure according to Jean de 
Meung — True nobility — The brotherhood of man — The 
leveling power of death — An eleventh-century revolt of the 
people — Radical elements in Renart le Contrefait. 

CHAPTER II 

Protest Against the Domination op the Church 74 

Strictures against the morals of the clergy — Literature 
called forth by the Albigensian Crusade — The sending of 
French revenues to Rome — The mercenary spirit of the clergy. 

CHAPTER III 

The Defence of Guillaume de Saint- Amour 115 

The hostility between the University of Paris and the Domin- 
ican Order — The poems of Rutebeuf written in defence of 
Guillaume de Saint-Amour — Passages from the Romance of 
the Rose, treating the same episode. 

xi 



Xll CONTENTS 

CHAPTER IV page 

Dissent from the Doctrines of the Church 134 

Incredulity among the people — Epicureanism of the nobles — 
Criticism of the Plan of Salvation — The office of reason in 
religion. 

CHAPTER V 

The Romance of the Rose and the Protest Against Asceti- 
cism 157 

The attitude of the Church towards the world — The ration- 
alizing temper of Jean de Meung and his followers — Survival 
of pagan customs and ideals — The sufficiency of the world of 
sense to many poets. 

CHAPTER VI 

Protest Against Sex-Discrimination 176 

Less thought given to the rights of women in the Middle Ages 
than to any other reform — The conservative ideal of woman — 
Frequent disregard of this ideal — Benefit of useful employ- 
ment — A plea for fair play. 

CONCLUSION 

Boldness of Protests Against Abuses in the Literature 

Between 1150 and 1350 186 



APPENDIX A 
Notes 187 

APPENDIX B 
Bibliography 199 



THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST 1ST 
OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 



INTRODUCTION 

Were I competent to design a monument to the emanci- 
pated human spirit, I should represent that spirit as standing 
triumphant upon five chains, which no longer shackled its 
energy. These chains should symbolize 

Absolutism in government, 
Privilege in economics, 
Superstition in religion, 
Authority in thought, 
Sex discrimination in opportunities. 

How far this perfect emancipation may be attainable now or in 
the remote future, whether the casting-off of restraints upon 
individual action may have disastrous consequences to society 
and to the individual himself, are questions upon which the 
wisest differ. Nor can the present study attempt to answer 
speculations so subtle and far-reaching. It is offered rather as a 
humble contribution to the history of the efforts of humanity 
in every century to win a larger measure of freedom than fell to 
the lot of its generation. In the following pages I have brought 
together from the works of French authors writing between 
1150 and 1350 extracts that show the spirit of protest already 
astir in those centuries which are frequently regarded as the 
ages of ignorance and blind submission to authority. These 
aspirations for freedom often came to nought, sometimes be- 
cause the desires were vain in themselves, sometimes because 



I THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

the times were not ripe for their fulfilment; but whether suc- 
cessful or futile, wise or unwise, these movements have their 
interest for the student of human thought. 

If the medieval reformer sought to strike out new paths for 
himself, he soon found his progress impeded by three obsta- 
cles: a despotic governing class, a sacerdotal order claiming 
supremacy over minds and souls alike, a society hostile to in- 
novation. No one of the three institutions rested its title to 
obedience, primarily at least, on reason; the first two alleged di- 
vine sanction, the third rooted itself in the deep conservatism 
of human nature, which looks upon the untried as akin to the 
unholy. In reality all three derived their strength from the 
exigencies of the military society that grew up in consequence 
of the Germanic invasions of the Roman Empire. A state 
fighting for its very existence cannot risk divergence among 
its members. The welfare of such a society requires uniformity 
of belief and submission to superiors, and free criticism impairs 
its solidarity. 

Yet perceptibly, though slowly, the European mind has been 
working itself free from hampering conditions: the history of 
China and Egypt has not repeated itself in the West. The 
two great waves of progress in modern history are the Renais- 
sance and the Reformation. But these mighty advances are 
only the culmination of the attacks of isolated thinkers, hurled, 
in vain as it might have seemed, against the rocks of prejudice. 
The historians of medieval literature speak of its homogeneous- 
ness, its dull uniformity. Such is, indeed, its general character, 
but closer examination reveals many a ripple of diverse opinion, 
troubling the stagnant waters. Often these breaks with tradi- 
tion either were in themselves trivial, or perhaps led away from 
what we now regard as correct teaching, but they are signifi- 
cant as indicating the set of the current. 

In the slow struggle for perfect emancipation, it is the move- 
ment for political independence that has most nearly achieved 
success. Even among those races which have not yet attained 
representative government, their leaders see clearly the coveted 



INTRODUCTION 6 

goal. In the realms of religion and thought also, the right of 
the individual to decide such matters for himself has all but 
gained the day. The problems of securing economic justice 
and the recognition of sex equality, although still far from any 
definite solution, are in their turn attracting serious public 
attention. In the twelfth century no great advance in any 
of these directions had been made, yet it is surprising to note 
how widespread was the dissatisfaction with existing conditions. 

The most direct criticism of social institutions which is found 
in Old French literature occurs in the didactic and satiric writ- 
ings. The romances afford little help in the present study since 
the knights and fair ladies of these compositions move about in 
a world conveniently free from human obligations and the 
conflict of human rights. The lyric poetry is, for the most 
part, a reflection from the romances and presents life in the 
same idealized fashion, but, now and then, is heard the cry of 
a wayward human spirit, chafing against the bonds of conven- 
tion.* 

As many of the citations in the following chapters are from 
the works of authors now obscure, a few facts are given in the 
following pages concerning the standing and position of the 
writers quoted, in order that the value of their testimony may 
be readily estimated. For detailed information the student 
will consult the works mentioned in the bibliography at the 
close of this volume. 

Wace (?1 100-1 175), canon of Bayeux, composed two long 
poems, the Roman de Brut and the Roman de Rou between the 
years 1150 and 1174. The latter work narrates the history of 
the Norman dukes from Rou, or Rollo, to Henry I (912-1106). 

Etienne de Fougeres (?— 1178) was a churchman of high 
standing, an administrator, it would seem, of the type of Lan- 
franc and other foreign ecclesiastics who did so much under 
the Norman kings to reform the English church. He was 
chaplain to Henry II; his name appears on state charters of 
that king; in 1168 he was consecrated bishop of Rennes. He 
composed certain Latin works of edification and, towards the 
end of his fife, the Livre des manieres. An intimate of Henry II, 



4 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

he had observed the vicissitudes of fortune of that brilliant 
prince, and was inclined to set small store by earthly glory. 
He writes in the sober tone of one who "has kept watch o'er 
man's mortality." Unfortunately the text of his poem is corrupt 
although the meaning is clear. 

Helinant, the author of the Vers de la Mort, was born of a 
good family. His father and uncle for political reasons had 
fled from Flanders to seek their fortunes in France. So well 
did the uncle succeed that in 1162 he obtained the archbishopric 
of Rheims. Helinant, converted from a life of pleasure, be- 
came a monk of Froidmont, and delivered many sermons against 
the luxury of the age. His celebrated poem is written after 
the sombre, not to say repulsive style of medieval moralists, 
but it attains a certain elevation by its insistent contempt for 
worldly distinctions. It made a profound impression upon his 
own time. According to Vincent de Beauvais, it was read 
publicly. It was imitated by succeeding writers, and so fre- 
quently copied that twenty-four manuscripts are extant. 

La Bible Guiot is the work of one who had spent his earlier 
days in the capacity of jongleur at the courts of princes. Cir- 
cumstances that he does not reveal led him to embrace the 
monastic life, but never was a man more unfitted for its stern 
discipline. In his seclusion Guiot de Provins composed before 
1209 his harsh satires against both lay and ecclesiastical man- 
ners. His attitude is that of a disappointed man of the world, 
and the habit of speaking his mind freely, acquired in jongleur 
days, had not deserted his old age. 

Des viers dou Renclus que diroie? 
Que moult volentiers, se pooie, 
Les liroie trestous les jours. 
En chou seroit biaus ll sejours. 1 

So wrote Gilles li Muisis, abbe of Saint-Martin de Tournai, of 
the two moral poems, the Romans de Carite and Miserere. So 
great was the popularity of these works that in 1360 the city 
of Amiens offered to Charles V a copy of them as its best gift. 
Not fewer than thirty manuscripts, moreover, still exist. One 
copy contains the name of Bertremiels, or Bartholomew, a monk 

1 What shall I say concerning the poetry of the Hermit? For I should 
gladly read it, if I could, every day. The time spent in this way would 
be delightful. 



INTRODUCTION 5 

of Saint Fuscien near Amiens. The author preferred to speak 
of himself as the " Renclus de Moiliens." The date of the poem 
has been placed about the year 1226. The poet was a man 
of culture, and prided himself upon his independent utterance. 

Gautier de Coincy (? 1177-1236) entered the Benedictine 
monastery of Saint Medard-lez-Soissons in 1193. In 1214 he 
was raised to the dignity of prior of Vic-sur-Aisne, and in 1233 
further honored by the appointment as grand prior of Medard. 
Like Saint Bernard, he was specially devoted to the service of 
the Virgin. In her praise he adapted a Latin collection of 
miracles by Hugues Farsit. The touching beauty of the leg- 
ends, however, is marred by the intemperance of his diatribes 
against unbelievers. His Miracles de la Sainte Vierge is placed 
by the editor, Poquet, between the years 1219 and 1222. 

Of a very different temper was Guillaume le Clerc (fl. 1226). 
He said of himself that he was a Norman by birth, and that he 
was a married cleric with a wife and children to support by his 
pen. He composed several moral poems besides the Bestiaire 
and the Besant de Dieu of which so much use has been made in 
this study. His work is at once pious and sane. It shows, 
further, considerable acquaintance with medieval latinity, and 
intense interest in the questions of the day. 

The author of the Quatre tenz d'aage d'ome, Philippe de Novare, 
was a skilful man of affairs. The young Philippe left his native 
Lombardy to employ his legal talents in the Latin kingdoms of 
the Orient. He won for himself the repute of being the best 
lawyer in the East. He also figured in the siege of Damietta, 
and, both as soldier and diplomat, in the Cyprian wars. In his 
youth he wrote gay love-songs; in middle age, accounts of the 
customs and jurisprudence of the East; and when he was past 
seventy, the moral treatise mentioned above. The Quatre tenz 
d'aage d'ome contains very good advice, somewhat formally ex- 
pressed. Unlike most medieval books of the kind, its material is 
drawn not from the distichs of Cato, but from the author's 
wide experience of men and manners. As Langlois says : " C'est 
un des rares ouvrages du moyen age dont il n'y ait pas lieu de 
rechercher les sources: il est presque entierement original, soit 
que l'auteur exprime ses opinions personelles, soit qu'il se fasse 
Techo des idees courantes dans la haute societe, . . . Le seul 
ecrivain du quatorzieme siecle dont il soit legitime et indique 
de rapprocher Philippe de Novare, c'est Joinville; tout autre 
eloge est superflu." (La vie en France au moyen age, p. 188.) 



O THE SPIKIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

To Rutebeuf (?1230-?1285) belongs the double praise of in- 
dependent thinker and true poet, unsurpassed in pathos till we 
come to Villon. He was the author of fifty- six pieces, including 
saints' lives, elegies, fabliaux, a miracle- play, satires and lyrics. 
Unfortunately external evidence is utterly wanting for the facts 
of his life, the earliest mention (1581) of Rutebeuf occurring in 
Fauchet's Origine de la langue et poesie frangoise, and this 
notice being vague and inexact. It may even be conjectured 
that Rutebeuf is merely a nom de guerre. His dialect and the 
scope of his work prove him a Parisian. He had powerful 
friends in the great lords to whom his poems are addressed : — 
Anceau de ITsle, Geoffroi de Sargines, the Comte de Poitiers, 
the king's brother, Louis IX himself, but these friends died or 
fell away, and the poet, improvident by nature, found himself 
unable to furnish bread for his family. The most glorious epoch 
in Rutebeuf's career was his defence of Guillaume de Saint- 
Amour against the Dominican Order. May one see in Rutebeuf's 
plain speaking the cause of his ruin? He had at any rate 
counted the cost, and with due consideration adopted Juvenal's 
maxim: Vitam impendere vero. Three hundred years after 
Rutebeuf's death, Fauchet, without giving his authority, de- 
scribed Rutebeuf as a "menestrel." The importance of his 
work, however, and his close connection with the University 
of Paris fit in better with the assumption that he was a cleric, 
such a one as William Langland, he too a needy scholar, unhappy 
in his marriage and fiercely opposed to the Mendicant Orders. 
This supposition accords better with the estimate of his work 
formed by every reader and thus expressed by Cledat : — 
" Rutebeuf aborde toutes les grandes questions qui ont agite 
la societe de son temps. . . . Ses satires nous font vivre avec 
lui en plein treizieme siecle; elles jettent sur l'histoire une 
lumiere nouvelle en nous donnant l'impression tres vibrante 
d'un contemporain." (Rutebeuf, p. 55.) 

Like Rutebeuf, Jean de Meung (?1250-? 1365) upheld the 
rights of the University against the Dominican Order, and de- 
nounced the friars unsparingly. His quarrel was, however, of 
more radical nature than Rutebeuf's, calling in question the 
alleged superiority of the celibate state. He would not see 
any good in the whole theory of renunciation, which had been 
supposed to He at the base of Christian life, asserting the right 
of the individual to liberty and enjoyment. Little is known 
of his life. Although he devoted 11. 11291-11439 to an account 
of himself, he really told almost nothing. We learn only that 



INTRODUCTION 7 

he was born at Meung on the Loire, and completed the Romance 
of the Rose forty years after the death of Guillaume de Lorris. 
Whether he was educated at Orleans or at Paris is not known, — 
but all his later life is associated with Paris, and he died pos- 
sessed of an imposing house in the suburbs. He made several 
translations from the Latin, among them the Consolations of 
Philosophy of Boethius. The bearing of his most important 
work, the Romance of the Rose, on the present study is discussed 
in Chapter V. His poem was the most influential French work 
of the Middle Ages, as the many imitations, translations, ref- 
utations, and the numerous extant copies attest. 

Matheolus, or in his own dialect Mahieu, was a native of 
Boulogne. He had high connections among the clergy of The- 
rouanne, and was himself a cleric. He received a legal educa- 
tion at Orleans, and later enjoyed all too well the gay life of 
Paris. For his sins, perchance, he married a widow, a vixen, 
whose shrewish temper gave him no peace. To add to this 
domestic discomfort, the Council of Lyons having pronounced 
"bigamous" the marriage of a cleric with a widow, Matheolus 
was deprived of all his privileges as cleric, and forbidden to 
practise his profession of lawyer. He turned to the consolation 
of literature, writing in Latin the Lamenta, sl poem that he had 
the wisdom to reserve for private circulation among sympa- 
thetic ecclesiastical friends, safe from his wife's jealous eye. 
Matheolus was a lesser Rabelais, and among the improprieties 
and blasphemies of the Lamenta is many an argument that 
shows a mind quite emancipated from the superstition of the 
age. The poem belongs to the decade preceding the year 1300, 
and reveals the influence of the Romance of the Rose. In 1370 
it found an admirer in another unhappy husband, Jehan le 
Fevre, and was by him put into French. The new version 
attained almost as great popularity as the poem of Jean de 
Meung. 

Fauvel represents the views of an ultra-clerical, who deplored 
the humiliation of the Church under Philip the Fair. The 
poet's name appears in a cipher, made out by Gaston Paris as 
Gervais du Bus. This Gervais has been further identified by 
Langlois as a notary of the court of the King. The first part 
of the book was dated by the author 1310; the second was 
written four years later. Fauvel is the fawn-colored (fauve) 
horse which emperors and popes are proud to curry. The 
symbolism is apparent from the author's etymology : 



8 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Fauvel est de faus et vel 
Compost, car il a son revel 
Assis sus faussete* velee. (fol. 3) 2 

The action of the first part consists in bringing up one group 
of persons after another to stroke Fauvel, thereby disclosing 
their own guileful hearts. In the second part a marriage is 
effected between Fauvel and Vaine Gloire, to ensure the per- 
petuation of the race of time-servers. Yet even as the author 
was penning this pessimistic conclusion, word was brought him 
of the death of Philip the Fair, and he added a word of hope. 

Ferrant fina, aussi fera 

Fauvel; ja si grant ne sera 

Car il ne puet pas tous jours vivre. 

(Fauvel, fol. 6.) * 

The life of Gilles li Muisis (1271-1352) was uneventful. At- 
tracted to the service of the Church from his earliest years, he 
entered at the age of eighteen the Benedictine monastery of 
Saint Martin de Tournai, and there as monk and abbot spent 
the remainder of his long life. In his eightieth year he became 
blind, but, unwilling to intermit his pious labors, he dictated 
his Registre, or versified record of his opinions concerning the 
manners of his age. 

In 1279 Friar Lorens (Laurentius Gallus), the confessor of 
Philip III, composed at the royal order the moral treatise vari- 
ously known as Le mireour du monde, La somme des vices et 
des vertus, Le livre roial. The work is didactic and formal, a 
guide to the acquisition of virtue and the avoidance of vice. 
It enjoyed a wide popularity, and is the original of the English 
Ayenbile of Inwyt by Dan Michel. Caxton printed it as The 
Book Ryal. 

The Thibaut who wrote the Romanz de la poire was not the 
famous Thibaut, king of Navarre, but a Burgundian poet, 
inspired by the success of Guillaume de Lorris to attempt a 
similar love allegory. The poet eats a pear and is immediately 
smitten with love. He suffers the befitting woes, but, less 
happy than Guillaume's hero, is so thwarted by a jealous hus- 

2 The word Fauvel is derived from false and veil. This signifies that 
the beast Fauvel takes his pleasure seated upon veiled falsehood. 

3 Ferrant died; so shall Fauvel; he will not be so great, for he cannot 
live always. 



INTRODUCTION 9 

band that he must content himself with sending his fair lady a 
nightingale (his poem). 

The author of Renart le Contrefait was a cleric expelled from 
his order for some illicit relation that the Church termed "big- 
amy." He belonged to the trading class, for after his disgrace 
he took up his father's business of selling spices. By 1319, 
however, he was at leisure, and could think of no better way 
of employing his spare time than writing a poem to pay off his 
old grievances against the clergy and the nobility. The com- 
position of Renart le Contrefait occupied the years 1319-1342. 

Aucassin et Nicolete is a twelfth century romance in the 
Picard dialect by an unknown author. It is perhaps the most 
charming of medieval tales. 

The Provencal Poets 

Of Guiraut de Bornelh (1175-1220) nothing is known. It 
has been conjectured that he spent some time in Spain. The 
Provencal biographer calls him the Master of Poets, adding 
that he passed his winters in study and his summers in wan- 
dering from court to court. 

The Monk of Montaudon was a prime favorite with princes. 
He was generously treated by Philip Augustus, Richard and 
Alfonso II. His merry verses savor of irreverence. The scene, 
for example, of three poems is laid in Heaven. The subject of 
two of these poems is the accusation of painting the face brought 
by the monks against the ladies. The third is the defence 
of epicurean living quoted in Chapter V. The story went 
that the monk requested permission of his abbot to adopt the 
rules of Alfonso of Spain. The monarch, himself no anchorite, 
imposed three obligations upon his disciple: to eat meat, to 
write songs and to make love to the ladies. "Et el si fes" — 
"and so he did" — the anecdote ends. 

Peire Vidal (1175-1215) was ever devoted to some fair dame. 
His homage more often brought him ridicule than the lady's 
favor, but he never learned discretion by misfortune. In spite 
of his extravagant behavior, however, he could write effective 
satire. 

Peire Cardenal (fl. 1210-1230) was reputed to have almost 
attained the age of one hundred. He came of an honorable 
family. When young he had been one of the gayest, but in 



10 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

the years of his poetic composition, he had become pessimistic, 
writing solely of the evils of his time. 

Guilhem Figueira nourished in the first half of the thirteenth 
century. He was an admirer of Frederic II. He was born in 
Toulouse, but was forced from that city in the time of the 
Albigensian Crusade. He took up his abode in Lombardy, 
where though he might have had the company of the great, he 
preferred that of the humble and even that of the disreputable 
tavern folk. 

The authorship of the Chanson de la Croisade has been much 
disputed. The poem purports to be by Guilhem de Tudela, an 
eye-witness of the war and a sympathizer with the Crusaders. 
As, however, after line 2769 these same Crusaders are held up 
to execration, it has been plausibly conjectured that the latter 
part is by a different author. 

Concerning Daspol, no more is known than that he composed 
a Complaint on the death of Saint Louis (d. 1270), and the 
tenson of the text, addressed to a king of Aragon, either James I 
or his son, Peter III. 

It is fortunate that we may view the spiritual life of the age 
from so many angles of temperament. We have the testimony 
of staid churchmen, of gay troubadours, of religious zealots, of 
men of affairs and of scholars. Naturally most of our authors 
were clerics, yet the medieval clergy was a less homogeneous 
body than the clergy of today, ranging, as it did, from mad- 
cap singers like the Monk of Montaudan to wise counselors like 
Etienne de Fougeres. Various as were the natures of these 
witnesses, their reports of prevalent conditions are remarkably 
similar. The reactions of these conditions upon each observer 
will be examined in the following chapters. 



CHAPTER I 

PKOTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 

In a society that has reached the industrial and commercial 
stage of our own nation, it may be quite possible to possess 
either political or economic rights solely. Since, however, in 
feudal society both privileges had been usurped by the sovereign 
and his great lords, political and economic discontent were 
inextricably mingled in the opposition of the people to the 
ruling class. The present chapter, accordingly, will consider 
the twofold claim of the king and the nobility to command 
obedience and to appropriate to themselves the good things of 
earth. 

We need to remember that the rulers of France during 
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were, for the most part, 
strong men. With Philip Augustus (1180-1223) began the 
tradition of a powerful centralized government. That king's 
seizure of the Anglo-French provinces in 1204 and his victory 
at Bouvines in 1214 rid the monarchy of its most unruly vassal, 
the English king. The Albigensian War (1209-1229) strength- 
ened the royal power in southern France. The noble character 
of Louis IX (1226-1270) sanctified the monarchy in the eyes 
of his subjects, and the length of his reign must have further 
developed veneration for royalty. The strength of the French 
crown was manifest at the close of the thirteenth cen- 
tury in the victory of Philip the Fair over the Pope. Boniface 
VIII had tried to assert the authority of Gregory VII and 
Innocent III, but his French successors tamely acquiesced in the 
"Babylonian Captivity'' (1309-1376). Boniface failed where 
Gregory had succeeded, because behind Philip was a central- 
ized government, but behind Henry IV only a loose confederacy. 



12 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The French literature of the period reveals naturally enough 
reverence for the kingly office. The chansons de geste, those at 
least of the earlier and finer type, had been the poetic expres- 
sion of that loyalty to the leader which was the glory and 
strength of the old Comitatus. The composition of an occa- 
sional epic, like the Pelerinage de Charlemagne, inspired by the 
lively spirit of the feudal barons, had not seriously undermined 
the ancient traditions. Even the dream of a society without 
gradation of rank was quite impossible for the men of those 
early times. Apparently they could no more have conceived 
of a state without a king than they could have imaged a 
beast without a head. 

But within the limits of their political conceptions there is 
often a surprising independence in their views of royal privi- 
lege. Etienne de Fougeres, writing about 1174, has much more 
to say concerning the duties of a king to his people than of the 
people's duties to their sovereign. 

Reis n'est pas son, ainz est a toz; 
S'il por sei vit, si ne est proz. 
Obeir deit le common (s) voz, 
Se il sunt bon tot a lor moz. 

Si de bien vout aveir reison, 
A toz sera; si n'iert pas son. 
Oblier deit tot le son bon 
Por le comun, s'il est prodom. 

(Livre des manieres, st. 41, 42) 1 

With the same intention of emphasizing the responsibilities 
rather than the pleasure of the royal station, the writer who 
called himself "li Renclus de Moiliens," in his Romans de 

1 A king is not his own; rather he belongs to all; if he lives for himself, 
he is unworthy of his rank. He ought to obey the wishes of his people, 
if they are just in their requests. If he truly desires to act justly, he will 
put himself at the service of all and will not seek his own advantage. He 
ought to forget his particular profit for the general welfare, if he is a true 
knight. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 13 

Carite addresses to the king nine successive stanzas of admoni- 
tion. The repetition of "king" thirty-seven times in these 
stanzas produces an effect of severity which is strangely at 
variance with the subservience one might have expected in a 
subject. The tone of the passage may be seen in these excerpts. 

Rois, entierement dois traitier 
Chiaus sor cui tu as maiestiere; 
Por chou sont il a toi rentier, 
Rois, tu ies mis haut pour gaitier 
Le basse gent a toi rentiere. 

Rois, doute le roi dou haut throne; 

Soies entiers et veritaus. 

Rois, a toi soit espoentaus 

Li rois des rois, ki sor tous tone. 

(Romans de Carite, st. 32, 33) 2 

In the phrase, "Rois, tu es mis haut," one may perhaps hear 
an echo of the apostle's teaching, "The powers that be, are 
ordained of God," that teaching which later was developed into 
the mischievous theory of the divine right of kings. But truly 
democratic is the stress laid upon the divine purpose in raising 
an individual to the regal dignity, 

"pour gaitier 
Le basse gent a toi rentiere." 

If the political ideal of these medieval thinkers was not a gov- 
ernment of and by the people, it was surely a government for 
the people. 



2 King, thou oughtest to govern uprightly those over whom thou hast 
dominion. For this reason they are subject to thee; King, thou art set 
high to watch over the lowly people subject to thee. 

King, fear the King of heaven; be upright and truthful; King, hold 
in awe the King of kings, who thunders on high. 



14 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

In the last half of the thirteenth century, Rutebeuf and 
Jean de Meung, men closely in sympathy with the University 
of Paris, were bolder in their attitude towards royalty. Rute- 
beuf even accused Louis IX of deadly sin in permitting or order- 
ing the exile of a teacher of truth. In defence of Guillaume de 
Saint-Amour banished at the instigation of the Dominican 
Order (1256), he writes: 

Qui escille homme sanz reson, 
Je di que Diex qui vit et regne 
Le doit escillier de son regne. . . . 
Mestre Guillaume ont escillie 
Ou li rois ou li apostoles: 
Or, vous dirai a briez paroles 
Que se l'apostoiles de Romme 
Puet escillier d'autrui terre homme, 
Li sires n'a nient en sa terre 
* Qui la verite veut enquerre. 
Se li Rois dit en tel maniere, 
Qu'escillie l'ait par la priere (ed. Jubinal, prieze) 
Qu'il ot de la pape Alixandre, 
Ci poez novel droit aprendre; . . . 
Si li Rois dist qu'escillie l'ait, 
Ci a tort et pechie et lait, 
Qu'il n'afiert a roi ne a conte, 
S'il entent que droiture monte, 
Qu'il escille homme, c'on ne voie 
Que par droit escillier le doie; 
Et se il autrement le fet, 
Sachiez, de voir, qu'il se mesfet. 
Se cil devant Dieu li demande, 
Je ne respont pas de l'amande; 
Li sans Abel requist justise 
Quant la persone fu ocise. 

And he concludes: 

Endroit de moi vous puis je dire 
Je ne redout pas le martire 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 15 

De la mort, d'ou qu'ele me viegne, 
S'ele me vient por tel besoingne. 

(Diz du Maitre Guillaume de Saint-Amour) 3 

The poet's determination to speak the truth at whatever 
cost, like Socrates' defiance of the Athenian tribunal, rests upon 
the assumption that the individual conscience, not the state 
injunction, is the supreme rule of action. This most radical of 
all principles is thus distinctly expressed in an early French 
poem. 

The Romance of the Rose, the most widely read book of the 
period, expounds not the divine right of kings, but the theory 
of the social contract. In his account of the origin of society, 
Jean de Meung, in part following Ovid, places a Golden Age of 
liberty at the beginning of history. Freedom the scholar-poet 
esteems man's greatest blessing. 

Por ce, compains, li ancien, 
Sans servitute et sans lien, 
Pesiblement, sans vilenie, 
S'entreportoient compaignie, 
N'il ne donassent pas franchise 
Por Tor d'Arabbe ne de Frise. . . . 

3 If a ruler banishes a man wrongfully, I say that God who lives and 
reigns ought to banish him from his kingdom. . . . Guillaume has been 
banished either by the king or by the pope. Now I will say to you in so 
many words that if the pope can banish a man from another's domain, 
the truth of the matter is that the ruler has no rights over his own land. 
If the king says after this fashion, that he banished Guillaume because 
of the request made by Pope Alexander, from this case you can learn a 
new papal prerogative. ... If the king says that he banished Guillaume 
of his own will, in that case he has done a wrong and a sin and an outrage, 
for it is not within the power either of king or count, if he cares that justice 
prevail, to banish a man when no one can see how he may lawfully be 
banished; and if the king acts without just cause, know of a truth that 
he acts wrongly. If Guillaume before God accuses the king, I do not 
answer for the retribution. When Abel was slain, his blood cried aloud 
for vengeance. ... As for myself I declare to you that I do not fear the 
martyrdom of death, from whatever source it may come, if it comes to 
me in such a cause. 



16 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Riche estoient tuit 6gaument, 
Et s'entramoient loiaument 
Les simples gens de bone vie: 
Lors iert amors sans seignorie. 

(Roman de la rose, 10243-10271) 4 

But evil passions entered men's hearts, and a state of war 
ensued. It is significant, one may note in passing, of the 
preference of Jean de Meung for Classic tradition above Scrip- 
tural, that he made not the desire of knowledge, but the love 
of gold, the beginning of evil. 

[II] se tolurent ce qu'il porent, 
Li plus fort les greignors pars orent; 
Et quant en lor porchas coroient, 
Li pereceus qui demoroient, 
S'en entroient en lor cavernes, 
Et lor embloient lor espernes. 
Lors convint que Fen esgardast 
Aucun qui les loges gardast, 
Et qui les faut6ors preist, 
Et droit as plaintifs en feist, 
Ne nus ne Tosast contredire. 

(Roman de la rose, 10345) 5 

Upon the medieval poet had not dawned the vision of the 
Superman: the law of combat, which awards possession to the 
strongest and most unscrupulous, turned out so badly that a 
primitive government was formed. 

4 Therefore, friend, the ancients, without servitude or bondage, peace- 
fully, without baseness, associated with one another, and they would not 
have bartered their freedom for the gold of Arabia or Phrygia. Equally 
rich were all men, and the simple, honest people loved one another loyally. 
Then love knew no distinction of rank. 

5 Men bore off what they could; the strongest had the largest share; 
and when they were off upon their raids, the laggards who remained behind 
entered into their caves and stole from them their hoardings. Then it 
became necessary that one man should be chosen to guard their dwelling- 
places and to catch the plunderers, and that he should inflict justice upon 
them for the plaintiffs and that no one should dare gainsay him. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 17 

Un grant vilain entr' eus eslurent, 
Le plus ossu de quanqu'il furent, 
Le plus corsu et le greignor, 
Si le firent prince et seignor. 
Cil jura qu'a droit les tendroit, . . . 
Se chascuns endroit soi li livre 
Des biens dont il se puisse vivre. 
Ainsinc Font entr'eus acorde, 
Cum cil Tot dit et recorde. 
Cil tint grant piece cest office. 
Li robeor plain de malice 
S'assemblerent quant seul le virent, 
Et par maintes fois le batirent 
Quant les biens venoient embler. 
Lors r'estut le pueple assembler 
Et chascun endroit soi taillier 
Por serjans au prince baillier. 
Communement lors se taillier ent 
Et tous et toutes li baillierent, 
Et donerent grans tenemens. 
De la vint li commencemens 
As rois, as princes terriens, . 
Selonc Fescrit as anciens. 

{Roman de la rose, 10357) 6 

It is creditable to the tolerance of the thirteenth century 
that the author of the Romance of the Rose dared ascribe so 

6 They chose a stout peasant from their number, the sturdiest of them 
all, the most stalwart and the tallest, and they made him prince and lord. 
He swore that he would govern them justly if each from his own share 
would give to him possessions on which he might live. Accordingly an 
agreement was made between him and them just as he had promised and 
stipulated. He held this office a long time. The robbers, full of malice, 
flocked together when they saw him alone and many times beat him when 
they came committing depredations. Then it was again necessary for the 
people to assemble and for each to lay his property under contribution to 
provide men-at-arms for the prince. Then all alike assessed themselves 
and all gave of their substance to him, and provided him with great hold- 
ings. From this time dates the beginning of kings and temporal princes, 
according to the ancients. 



18 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

humble an origin to royalty. The far milder sentiment of 
Voltaire, 

Le premier qui fut roi, fut un soldat heureux, 

was considered a bold saying in the eighteenth century. So 
late as 1827 when Victor Hugo wished a quotation of decidedly 
revolutionary character for the preface to his Cromwell, he 
could find no better challenge to despotism than these lines of 
the thirteenth century poet. 

Even less deference is accorded to the royal dignity in the 
discourse assigned by Jean de Meung to Nature. The old belief 
that comets foretell the death of princes is, according to the 
author, erroneous. 

Car lor cors ne vault une pome 
Oultre le cors d'un charruier, 
Ou d'un clerc ou d'un escuier: 
Car g'es fais tous semblables estre, 
Si cum il apert a lor nestre. 
Par moi nessent semblable et nu, 
Fort et fieble, gros et menu: 
Tous les met en equalite 
Quant a l'estat d'umanite. 

(Roman de la rose, 19525) 7 

Several poems of the time express their author's belief that 
the best service which the king can do his subjects is to preserve 
peace with other kings and with his own vassals, inasmuch as, 
whichever side wins, it is the people who pay the cost. When 
we consider how unpopular and even dangerous is the position 
of the pacifist in the present conflict (1916), we shall find high 
praise for the fearlessness of Etienne de Fougeres and Guillaume 
le Clerc. 

7 For the body of a prince is not worth an apple more than the body 
of a ploughman or of a cleric or of a squire, for I [Nature] make them all 
alike, just as appears at their "birth. By me they are born alike and naked, 
the strong and the weak, the great and the small; I put them all on an 
equality as to their common humanity. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 19 

Reis deit amer peiz et concorde 
Jugement o misericorde; 
Celui deit pendre o une corde 
Qui porchace guerre o discorde. 

N'eit pas envie de autrui terre 
Esgaugrinier n'a tort conquerre; 
Quar por itant mout sovent guerre 
Qui gent essille et gent enterre. 

(Livre des manieres, st. 23, 24) 8 

Si vus dirrai des plus puissanz 
Des plus riches e des plus granz, 
Des reis, des contes, e des dus 
Qui des regnes ont le desus, 
Qui s'entretolent e guerreient 
E lor povre gent desconreient, 
Qui tutes lor guerres compirent; 
Sovent en plorent e sospirent. 
Ore iert un reis de grant puissance, 
Ou en Alemaigne ou en France; . . . 
Se Fun a F autre a mesfait, 
Li vilains qui est al garait, 
Le compire a un jor si cher 
Que il n'a la nuit ou cochier; 
Ainz est arse sa mesonette 
Qu'il aveit basse e petitette, 
E pris ses boes e ses berbiz, 
Liez ses filles e ses fiz 
E il mene prison chaitifs 
Qu'il li peise que il est vis. . . . 
Reis crestiens, deus! que fera 
Qui de son regne getera 
Trente mil homes combatanz 
Qui larront femmes e enfanz 

8 A king ought to love peace and concord, justice with mercy; he who 
causes war and dissension ought to be hanged with a rope. 

Let no king desire to seize the land of another or to conquer it unjustly; 
for in this way he often starts a war which brings men to exile and death. 



20 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Com orphenins a lor ostels, 
Quant il vunt es esturs mortels. 
Dont tost en serront mil oscis, 
Ja puis ne verront lor pais, 
E autretant del autre part. 
Ja li rei ne prendront regart 
Com bien en chiet en la bataille: 
Ja ne feront conte ne taille: 
Ne chaut a Fun qu'il ait perdu, 
Mes que il ait Pautre vencu. 

(Besant de Dieu, 765) 9 

Yet a man may rightfully defend his country. 

Mes cil qui d'autre part vendront 

Qui en la bataille morront 

En demandant l'autri a tort, 

Di jeo que sont malement mort. . . . 

Coment serreit Palme garrie, 

Qui tantes en a fait perir 

E sanz confession morir 

Por home a tort desheriter. 

(Besant de Dieu, 823) 10 

9 I will speak also to you of the most powerful, of the richest, and of 
the greatest, of kings, of counts and of dukes, who have the control of 
kingdoms. These plunder one another's territory and wage war, and 
distress the poor people who pay for all the wars of their lords, and often 
weep thereat and sigh. At some time there may be a king of great power 
in Germany or in France; ... if one king injures the other, the peasant, 
who is on the soil, pays for the wrong some day so dearly that he has not 
where to sleep at night; nay, even the cottage that he had low and small 
is burned and his oxen and sheep are seized, his sons and daughters bound, 
and he himself led away a wretched prisoner so that he is sorry to be alive. 
. . . God! how shall a Christian king send forth from his kingdom thirty 
thousand fighting men, who must leave their bereaved wives and children 
at home, when they go into mortal combats in which a thousand shall 
soon be slain and never again see their country, and as many men on the 
other side. Never will the kings take heed how many fall in the battle. 
Never will they make count or reckoning; nor does either care what he 
has lost, provided that he has conquered the other. 

10 But as for those who shall come from a foreign country and die in 
battle in support of unj ust demands upon another people, I maintain that 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 21 

The death of Louis VIII (November 8, 1226), while engaged 
in the successful prosecution of an indefensible war, conveys 
to Guillaume a pertinent and awful warning. Nemesis is 
neither blind nor slow in exacting retribution. 

El contemple qu'il fist ces vers 
Aveit la mort gete envers 
Le rei de France Loeis, 
Qui ert eissu de son pais 
Por autrui terre purchacier: 
Les Provenciaus cuida chacer, 
Les Tolosanz prendre e honir: 
E quant il cuida tut tenir, 
Tut guaagnier e tut aveir, 
Si li failli tut son espeir. 
De France ne de Normendie 
Ne de tute sa seignurie 
Ne des granz terres qu'il teneit, 
Ou fust a tort ou fust a dreit, 
Not que siet piez tant solement. 
A tant revint son tenement. 

(Besant de Dieu, 159) n 

Guillaume had the democratic suspicion of secret diplomacy. 
He wrote the Bestiaire while England lay under the papal inter- 
dict. So keenly did he feel for the innocent people, deprived of 
religious consolation because of the machinations of rival 

they are guilty of mortal sin. . . . How should his soul be saved who has 
made so many men perish and die without confession, in order to take 
away wrongfully some one's possessions? 

11 At the very time that the author made these verses, death had struck 
down Louis, the king of France, who had gone out from his own country 
to gain possession of the land of another; he planned to drive out the 
people of Provence, to capture and put to shame the men of Toulouse; 
and when he thought that he held everything and had gained everything 
and had everything, then all his hope failed him. Of France and of Nor- 
mandy, of all his dominion, of the vast territory that he held, whether 
justly or unjustly, he had merely seven feet. To so little was his empire 
reduced. 



22 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

princes, that, although the wrong was aloof from his immediate 
subject, he made one indignant protest. 

Ceste ovraigne \Le Bestiaire'] f ut fete noeve 

El tens que Phelipe tint France, 

El tens de la grant mesestance, 

Qu'Engleterre fu entredite, 

Si qu'il n'i aveit messe dite 

Ne cors mis en terre sacree. . . . 

De Fentredit ne lui agree, 

Que a ceste feiz plus en die, 

Por ceo que dreiture mendie 

E lealte est povre e basse. 

Tote ceste chose trespasse 

Guillaume qui forment s'en doelt, 

Qui n'ose dire ceo qu'il voelt 

De la tricherie qui cort 

E en Fune e en Faltre cort. 

(Bestiaire, 1. 10) 12 

The most direct attack upon the king is met with in Fauvel, 
an ultra-clerical poem, the first part of which (that from which 
I quote) was dated by the author, 1310. The beast Fauvel 
symbolizes any unworthy means of advancement. The author 
was bitterly opposed both to Philip the Fair, because of his en- 
croachments on the privileges of the Church, and to the French 
bishops, because of their acquiescence in the royal policy. 

Un en i a qui est seignor 
Entre les autres le greignour 
Et en noblece et en puissance; 
De bien torchier Fauvel s'avance; 

12 This work was composed in the time when Philip ruled France, in 
the time of the great distress, when England was laid under interdict so 
that there was no mass said or body buried in consecrated ground. . . . 
As for the interdict, it is not pleasing to this author to say more about it 
at this time, because honesty is now a beggar and loyalty is poor and 
abased. Guillaume passes over all this subject, although he grieves 
heavily at it, because he dares not say what he wishes concerning the 
treachery which prevails both in the court of France and that of England. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 23 

De Tune main touse la crigne. 
Et o Pautre main tient le pigne. 

(Fauvel, fol. 2) » 

From the foregoing passages it may be concluded that, if 
much was given to a king of medieval France, much too was 
expected of him. But as, under the feudal system, it was with 
the nobles rather than with the king that the people came di- 
rectly in contact, so it was against the nobles chiefly that the 
voices of the social reformers uttered denunciations. Encomia 
of this or that nobleman are, it is true, plentiful enough, but 
such laudations are inspired by the purely personal gratitude 
of poet to patron. 

The verse of the period abundantly testifies to the hard lot 
of the people. Rutebeuf, deprived in middle life of his powerful 
protectors, and further impoverished by an imprudent marriage, 
knew well the distress of poverty. His half-dozen autobio- 
graphical poems reveal to us the wretchedness of the very poor, 
as do no other writings till we come to Villon. His was an 
"embarras de pauvrete." 

Je ne sai par ou je coumance 
Tant ai de matyere abondance 
Por parleir de ma povretei. . . . 
Vivres me faut et est failliz. . . . 
Je touz de froit, de fain baaille 
Dont je suis mors et maubailliz. 

With rueful pleasantry he raises a sorry laugh at his own sad 

II m'i souvient plus de Saint Pou 
Qu'il ne fait de mil autre apotre. 

(Povretei Rutebeuf) u 

13 There is one who is the greatest lord among lords, both in station 
and in power. He steps forward to curry Favor; with one hand he cuts 
the mane, and with the other hand he holds the comb. 

14 I do not know where to begin, such abundance of matter I have when 
I speak of my poverty. I need food and have none. I cough with cold, 
I yawn with hunger which weakens me and brings me to death's door. . . . 
I think more often of Saint Paul (Little) than I do of any other apostle. 



24 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Speaking of the scanty fare that he can provide for his wife he 

Grant loisir a de sauver s'ame: 
Or geunt por la douce Dame 
Qu'ele a loisir. 

Landlord and tradesman press for settlement. Hardest to bear 
of all sorrows, friends fall away. 

Ja n'i sera ma porte ouverte, 
Quar ma meson est trop deserte, 

Et povre et gaste, 
Sovent n'i a ne pain ne paste. 
Ne me blasmez se ne me haste (ed. Jub., je me haste) 

D'aler arriere 
Que ja n'i aura bele chiere, . . . 

Se je n'aporte. 

C'est ce qui plus me desconforte, 

Que je n'ose huchier a ma porte 

A vuide main. 

(Manage Rutebeuf) 15 

Que sont mi ami devenu 
Que j'avoie si pres tenu 

Et tant ame7 . . . 
N'en vi un seul en mon oste : 
Je cuit li vens les a oste. 

L'amor est morte: 
Ce sont ami que vens emporte, 
Et il ventoit devant ma porte. 

(Complainte Rutebeuf) 16 

15 My wife has plenty of leisure to save her soul; now she can fast for 
our sweet Lady, for she has time enough. . . . Never will a caller open 
my door, for my house is quite deserted and poor and ruined. Often there 
is neither bread nor pastry in it. Do not blame me if I do not hasten to 
return home, for I have no kindly welcome if I bring nothing. That is what 
distresses me the most, that I dare not knock at my own door empty- 
handed. 

16 What has become of my friends whom I held so dear and loved so 
much? ... I do not see a single one in my home. I believe that the 
wind has blown them away. Love is dead. They are friends whom the 
wind blows away and the wind blew hard in front of my door. . . . 



PKOTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDEK 25 

In his jar of troubles only hope remains: 

L'esperance de lendemain, 
Ce sont mes festes. 

(Manage Rutebeuf) 17 

That Rutebeuf 's misery did not lack company appears from 
the Diz des Ribaux de Greive, a poem of only twelve lines, but 
steeped in squalor and despair. 

Ribaut, or estes vos a point 
Li arbre despoillent lor branches 
Et vos n'aveiz de robe point; 
Si en aureiz froit a vos hanches, 
Que il vos fussent or li porpoint 
Et li seurquot forrei a manches. 
Vos aleiz en estai si joint, 
Et en yver aleis si cranche, 
Vostre soleir n'ent mesteir d'oint, 
Vos faites de vos talons planghes. 18 

It is true that such passages are merely cries of personal dis- 
tress, that these poets sought no remedy for the destitution 
about them in a re-adjustment of society; yet it is a significant 
moment in the history of social revolution when an oppressed 
class becomes conscious of its misery. It is but a short step to 
judging that misery a wrong. 

Etienne de Fougeres draws a touching picture of the wretch- 
edness of his day, which is also an arraignment of the injustice 
and selfishness of the nobility. (The text of this poem is corrupt, 
but the meaning is clear.) 

17 The hope of the morrow, that alone makes my banquets. 

is Wretches, now you are in hard condition. The trees are losing their 
branches, and you have no cloak; and you will have cold in your body. 
Would that you had now doublets and furred surcoats with sleeves! You 
trip about in summer lightly and in winter you step painfully. Your 
shoes have no need of grease; you use your heels for sole-leather. 



26 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

[Li noble] . . . 

Lor dreites rentes en receivent, 

Peis les menjuent et les beivent: 

Et les engeunent et deceivent, 

Ne se gardent que fei lor deivent (st. 138). 

Si ques en oi tote jor pleindre 
Qu'il ne lor pout chose remeindre 
Que il peisent aveir n'ateindre. 

Quant li dolent de fein baillent, 

II les robent et il les taillent, 

II les peinent, il les travaillent, 

Moult corvees ne lor faillent (st. 136, 137). 

Por un sol poi de mesprison 
Le fiert do poin ou del tison, 
Peis le trebuche en sa prison; 
Tote li tot sa garison. 

De lui mal feire ne coarde, 

Tot le son gaste et debarde, 

Morir le leit qu'il nel regarde; 

Mau seit garder qui issi garde (st. 140, 141). 

Molt devon chiers avoir nos ohmes, 
Quar li vilen portent les somes 
Dont nos vivon quant que nos summes 
Et chevaliers et clers et domes (st. 145). 

Terres arer, norir aumaille, 
Sor le vilain est la bataille; 
Quar chevalier et clerc sanz faille 
Vivent de ce que il travaille. 

Moult a travail et moult a peine, 
Au meilor jor de la semaine 
II seinme seigle, il here avoine, 
II fauche prez, il tose leine, 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 27 

II fet paliz, il fet meiseires, 
II fet estanz par ces rivieres, 
Primes corvees, peis preieres 
Et peis cent choses costumieres. 

Ne mengera ja de bon pain; 
Nos en avon le meillor grein; 
Et le plus lies et le plus sein; 
La droe remeint au vilain. 

S'il a grasse oie ou geline 

Ne gastel de blanche farine, 

A son seignor tot la destine (st. 170-174) .... 

De bon morsel onques ne taste, 
Ne il d'oisel, ne il de haste. 

(Livre des manieres, st. 176) 19 

19 The lords receive from the peasants their due rents, which they 
squander in eating and drinking; and they keep their laborers fasting, 
and deceive them and do not preserve the faith they owe them. I hear 
them complain every day that for them nothing remains that they can 
get or own. When the wretched ones yawn with hunger, their lords rob 
them and tax them; they lay burdens upon them, they overwork them; 
the forced labor is never remitted. For a slight act of disrespect the lord 
strikes the peasant with his fist or with a stake; then he thrusts him into 
prison; he takes from him his entire living. He does not shrink from 
doing the peasant harm, he lays waste and plunders all his property, he 
lets him die without concern; he who protects thus knows ill how to 
protect. We ought to hold our working-men very dear, for the peasants 
bear the burdens whereby we all live, knights, clerics, and ladies. Plough- 
ing the fields, feeding the cattle, these tasks fall upon the peasant; for 
knights and priests surely live upon his toil. He has hard work and heavy 
toil; on the best day of the week he sows barley, he ploughs the wheat, 
he mows the meadows, he shears wool. He makes fences, he makes en- 
closures, he constructs fish-pools by the rivers; first the forced labor, 
then benevolences, then a hundred other imposts. He will never eat good 
bread; we have the best grain and the finest and the most wholesome; 
the bran remains for the peasant. If he has a fat goose or a chicken or 
a cake of white flour, he intends it all for his lord. He never tastes a good 
morsel, bird or roast. 



28 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

It must be confessed that Etienne's pity for the hardships 
of the poor man's lot is by no means a counsel of revolt. The 
pious bishop could not suffer his flock to murmur against what 
was to him the will of God. Why should not the Ruler of the 
Universe give or take away as seems best to him? The belief 
in the divine order of society thus appears as great a hindrance 
to social progress as the theory of the divine right of kings to 
political advance. The thinkers of the Middle Ages could not 
recognize in the distribution of wealth a strictly human eco- 
nomic process. Etienne, moreover, failed to appreciate the 
injustice of the social system because he held a belief which 
in practice works out ill, — the belief that, as the wrongs of the 
present world will find full recompense after this short life is 
over, such wrongs do not greatly matter. 

The same inadequacy of view impairs the value of the Besant 
de Dieu. Guillaume's heart is wrung by the suffering of the 
poor, but the touching cry of the downtrodden against God is 
blamed by the cleric, and no way of escape by human means 
is pointed out. It is much, however, that the tyranny of the 
great should be so clearly and boldly rebuked, and that the 
reproof should be administered in the name of religion. 

Mult font nos princes terriens, 

Nomeement ces crestiens, 

Choses que faire ne deussent, 

Se pite e merci eussent. 

Mes li plusor sont sanz merci. ... 

E sont ausi come tiranz, 

Vers eels sor qui il sont puissanz, 

Sur lur cols mettent tels baillis 

Qui les escorcent trestut vis 

E desheritent e deraiment. . . . 

Li riche volent aveir tot. 

(Besant de Dieu, 847-863) 20 

20 Our feudal lords, Christians in name, do things they should not do 
if they had pity and mercy, but most of them are without mercy, and 
are just like tyrants towards those over whom they have power; on their 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 29 

The author records, condemning, it is true, as impiety, the 
cry of the poor. 

Povres i a fols e dolenz 
Qui sovent dient, "Sire deus, 
Por quei nus feistes vus tels 
Q'oncques biens temporals neumes? 
A male hore conceu fumes." 

(Besant de Dieu, 1146) 21 

When the young man uses his gifts of mind or body to injure 
the poor, Guillaume warns him that he is warring against God, 
the protector of the poor. 

Donques s'orgoillist e estent . . . 

E si guerreie damnede 

De ceo que il li a done. 

Se il est fort, si velt combatre 

Por son povre veisin abatre: 

S'il est sages, si velt plaidier 

Por autrui terre guaaigner. 

(Besant de Dieu, 281) M 

The contemporary poems of the Hermit, Carite and Miserere, 
show the same spirit of discontent among the peasants, the 
same murmur against a God who could allow injustice. The 
author, fully alive to the wrongs of the poor, puts their case 
well in a question which they are supposed to address to him: 

Maistre, ki tant nous espoentes, . . . 
. . . je vuel savoir ke tu sentes 
De chiaus ki vont les dures sentes, 

necks they put such overseers as flay them all living and strip them of 
possessions and raiment. . . . The rich wish to have all. 

21 There are poor men who in their folly and misery often say: "Lord 
God, why didst thou create men like us who never had worldly goods? 
Ill was the hour in which we were born." 

22 Then the young man swells with pride and so makes war upon the 
Lord with what the Lord has given him. If he is strong, he wishes to 
fight in order to crush his poor neighbor; if he is clever, he wishes to use 
the court to gain another's land. 



30 THE SPIRIT OP PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Se chil cui Dius bat cascun di 

Seront rebatu: chou me di! 

Che sont chil enferm, chil mendi. 

II sanle de ches gens dolentes 

Ke Deus onkes n'i entendi. 

Ki n'acata ne ne vendi 

De quel markie paiera ventes? . . . 

Et ki ricoise a encarkie* 
Et si grans pars a emparkie* 
De terre, bien sera venus 
S'il a dou chiel autel marine*; 
Donkes a il tout enarki6; 
Dont est Dius cousins devenus 
As gros, et si het les menus! 
Dius a les rikes retenus; 
Se il s'en vont dous fois carki£; 
S'il sont dous fois les dos lanus, 
Et li povres est dous fois nus, 
Dont sont li povre sousmarkie\ 

(Romans de Carite, st. 199, 200) 23 

The poet answers, restating the peasant's case and giving 
judgment as if for God: 

Dius, je fui enfers et mendis, 
Et por chou joie avoir voldrai. 

23 Master, you who terrify us so much, ... I wish to know what you 
think concerning those who travel the hard paths, whether those whom 
God scourges every day will be scourged anew [after death]: tell me that! 
I mean the infirm and the needy. It seems that God cares nothing for 
these wretched folk. How shall those who have nothing to buy with 
and nothing to sell pay for goods in any market? And the man who 
has amassed riches and has enclosed a great extent of land, he will be very 
fortunate if he makes the like bargain with Heaven. In that case he has 
every good locked up in his own chest: then has God become the cousin 
of the great and hates the humble! God has preserved the rich, and they 
go about laden with a double blessing. If they have their backs twice 
covered with wool, and the poor man is twice naked, then are the poor 
of little value. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 31 

— Amis, jou rien ne te toldrai 
Se tu a moi ton cuer tendis. — 

— Sire, non! moi pesa tous dis 
De chou ke si pres me tondis. — 

— Ke dont? Ma berbis ne tondrai? 
Par toi tes jugemens est dis; 

Se ton viaurre envis me rendis, 
Ore plus pres te retondrai. 

(Romans de Carite, st. 202) M 

Even this answer, however, of the orthodox churchman and 
the cold comfort of the advice that follows, to imitate Job and 
Lazarus, cannot efface the genuine pity that makes the peasant's 
complaint the most affecting passage in Carite. 

The theme is developed with a slight variation in the author's 
second poem Miserere. It is now the rich man who is taken to 
task for his hardness of heart. The poet writes in the spirit of 
Tolstoy; he would fain restore the spirit of the early Church, 
in which all Christians were united in brotherly love. He de- 
picts with great vividness the torments of Dives in Hell. 

Ch' est drois ke on le bate et bout, 
L'enfrun vilain, ki manja tout, 
Onques au ladre n'en fist part. 
Entendes cha, li fol, li glout! 
Ki tant engorge et tant englout 
Boive a mesure et si se gart. 

(Miserere, st. 42) 25 



24 "Lord, I was infirm and needy and therefore I expect to have 
eternal bliss." — "Friend, I will not take from thee anything if thou sub- 
mittest thy heart to me." — "Lord, no! I murmur every day because thou 
shearest me so closely." — "What then? Shall I not shear my sheep? 
Thy condemnation is spoken by thy own mouth. If thou yieldest me 
unwillingly thy fleece, I will shear thee yet more closely." 

25 It is right that Dives should be beaten and shoved, the greedy knave, 
who feasted alone without giving any share to the beggar. Hear this, 
you fools and gluttons! Let him who eats and drinks to excess, drink 
moderately, and save his soul. 



32 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Many a rich man's end is that of Dives: 

rikes home, si povre fin! 
Mar veis F argent et For fin 
Et F avoir, dont tant agrapas. . . . 
Dieus se venge ore dou bon vin 
Ke tant beiis et tant lapas. 
Por chou as ore le lampas, 
Ke tes orilles estoupas 
Au mesel povre pelerin, 
Lazaron, sans cui tu soupas. . . . 

As rikes est espoventaus 

Et as povres est confortaus 

Chil essemples ke j'ai escrit. 

Trop prent kier les biens temporaus 

Chil ki sans fin perist por aus. 

Et li povres, cui on despit, 

S'il set despire chest despit, 

Rois est dou chiel, car Dieus le dit. 

O rikes horn, peu caritaus, 

Infers toi atent sans respit. 

Et toi, povres, (suenre un petit!) 

Atent paradis delitaus. . . . 

Conseille toi, fous mal estruis! 

Cuides ke Dieus te doinst les fruis 

De le tere por toi soul paistre? 

Tu as en ton grenier tans muis, 

Et li greniers ton proisme est vuis, 

Ki n'a ses enfants dont repaistre, 

Dont il a sis ou set en Faistre. 

Por chiaus fist Dieus tant de biens naistre 

Ki fameillent devant ten huis. . . . 

Tu rendras raison au grant maistre 

Ki le part as povres destruis. . . . 

Nuit et jour doit cascuns penser 
Des biens k'il a bien despenser, 
Ke il en sache rendre conte. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 33 

Par mi le conte estuet passer; 
Et ki porra vers Dieu tenser 
Chelui cui prendra a mesconte? 
N'espargnera ne roi ne conte; 
Mais li plus haus avra plus honte, 
S'il ne set sen conte assenser. . . . 

Chou est raisons aperte et nue: 
II n'est pas drois ke je desnue 
Un home por autrui vestir. 
Quant de le rien ke j'ai tolue 
Au laborier, ki le dessue, 
Dont je li fais le fain sentir, 
Vuel au povre le ventre emplir, 
Chou est a dire, sans mentir, 
(Oi6s com est parole crue!) 
"Dieus, vous deves bien assentir 
A me ravine et consentir, 
Car vostres povres le manjue." . . . 

Orguellous, tien un peu ten frain, 
Se tu daignes, et si refrain 
Ten vair keval, ki se desroie. 
Garde cui tu as en desdain! 
Frans horn, ki m'apeles vilain, 
Ja de chest mot ne me plaindroie 
Se plus franc de moi te savoie. 
Ki fu te mere, et ki le moie? 
Andoi furent filles Evain. 
Or ne di mais ke vilains soie. 
Plus que toi, car jou te diroie, 
Tel mot ou trop a de levain. 

Onkes ne me soit reproves 
Mes pere; car voirs est proves, 
Mieus me vient estre bon pastour 
Ke estre en haut panier coves 
Et de bones mours escoves, 
Se je fui n£s en un destour 
Et de me mere getes pour 



34 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

En un molin ou en un four, 
Mieus vuel ensi troves, 
Se jou a bien faire m'atour, 
Ke je fusse fius d'un contour 
Et de mauvaistie endoves. 

Orguellous, tu as mout bon Mai. 
Tu me despis, mais peu m'esmai, 
Et mout m'est peu de ten dangier. 
Se tu ses plus ke jou ne sai 
Et tu as plus jou nen ai 
De quanke li mondes a kier, 
Ne te savras tant avanchier 
Ne reviegnes a men sentier. 
Ausi morras com jou morrai; 
Mors, ki tout tout sans recovrier, 
Te cangera Mai en Fevrier; 
Mors muera te joie en wai. 

(Miserere, st. 45, 51, 54, 55, 66, 80, 81, 90) 26 

26 O rich man, how poor your end! in evil hour you beheld the silver 
and the fine gold and the riches of which you clutched so much. . . . 
God exacts vengeance now for the good wine which you drank and 
sipped wantonly. For this indulgence you endure now the fire of Hell, 
you who stopped your ears against the poor leprous beggar, Lazarus, and 
without thought of him feasted. To the rich man this parable that I 
have written is terrifying, but to the poor man comforting. At too 
dear a price he gains temporal wealth, who for it suffers eternal death. 
And the poor man who is despised, if he can despise this despite, is king 
of Heaven, for God so promises. O rich man, uncharitable! Hell with- 
out respite awaits you. And you, poor man, endure for a little while! 
a paradise of delight awaits you. Take counsel, ill-advised fool! do 
you think that God gives you the fruits of the earth to feed yourself 
alone? You have in your granary many bushels, and the granary 
of your neighbor is empty, and he has nothing with which to feed the six 
or seven children about his hearth. For those who hunger before your 
door, God produced this goodly fruit. You must render an account to 
the great master for wasting on yourself the share of the poor. Night and 
day each man should think of spending well the wealth he has so that he 
may be able to render an account of it. He must give a strict account, 
and who will be able to protect from God's wrath the man whose account 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 35 

Gautier de Coincy also in his Miracles de la Sainte Vierge 
describes in pathetic terms the miseries of the hard-worked 
laborer, although he alone among the writers I am quoting 
saw the cause not in the oppression of the higher classes, but 
in the irreligion of the peasants. Without regard to this primi- 
tive theory, his lines are of value as showing the spread of a 
movement for social justice, which could not leave untouched 
even so bigoted and credulous a churchman as Gautier. 

Touz tens rastelent, touz tens gratent; 
Touz tens houent et touz tens fuent; 
N'assez du pain n'avoir ne puent. . . . 
Por ce en yver et en vuaym, 
Et en printens et en este 
Seront chetif et ont 6te .... 

shall be found wanting? God will spare neither king nor count, but the 
highest will have most shame, if he cannot present a true account. This 
is a plain and simple truth: it is not just that I should strip one man to 
clothe another. When I wish to fill the stomach of the poor man with 
the substance I have taken from the laborer who earned it by the sweat 
of his brow and who suffers hunger because of my exactions, I say virtually 
(Hear how harsh the word sounds!): "Lord, thou shouldst approve my 
rapine and consent to the act, for thy poor are fed thereby." Proud man, 
check yourself a little, if you will condescend, and also rein in your dappled 
steed that prances disdainfully. Be careful whom you despise. Noble, you 
who call me low-born, I should never complain of that term, if I recognized 
that you are nobler than I. Who was your mother and who was mine? 
Both were daughters of Eve. Then do not say again that I am lower- 
born than you, else I will answer you in unduly sharp words. Never 
should the rank of my father be cast up to me as a reproach; for it is a 
proved truth that it is better for me to be a good shepherd than to be of 
high birth and not endowed with good character. If I were born in a 
corner, and by my mother cast away in a mill or a furnace, and yet should 
strive to do well, this condition I should prefer to being the son of a count 
and possessed of an ill nature. Proud man, you enjoy the May-time of 
prosperity. You despise me, but I care little, and have slight regard for 
your arrogance. If you know more than I do, and if you possess more 
than I of whatever the world holds dear, you can not advance so far that 
you will not travel again my road. You will die just as I shall die; Death, 
that takes away everything without return, will change your May into 
February; Death will change your joy to woe. 



36 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Por ce leur pain rungent et broustent 
En grant sueur, en grant travail; 
Et por ce au vent et au solau 
Sont tout ades et a la bize. 
Por c'e [n] leur terre croist et vient 
Tant d'orties, tant de racines, 
Tant de chardons, et tant d'espines. 
(Miracle du vilain qui savait a poine la moitie de son Ave Maria, 

468-493) 27 

Writing at the end of the century, that universal cynic, 
Matheolus, describes from still another standpoint the hard lot 
of the common man, ground between two millstones, the no- 
bility and the Church. It is, according to Matheolus, the 
Church that is the more rapacious. Yet the poet had no liking 
for the people either; they were to him a loutish set, as irre- 
ligious as the beasts of the field. The testimony, then, of this 
unsympathetic observer confirms the impression that the thir- 
teenth century was waking to the recognition of poverty as 
less often a misfortune than a wrong. 

Des chevaliers n'est rien notable; 
Presque tout y est detestable. 
Chascun doit valoir un millier; 
II le valent bien au pillier 
Ou a vivre d'autruy vitaille; 
Mais il n'ont cure de bataille, 
Mesmement pour garder TEglise, 
Ne pour deffendre la franchise 
Et le peuple a droit maintenir. . . . 



27 They are always raking and digging the ground; always hoeing and 
dressing the ground; yet they can not get enough bread . . . [Because 
of their unbelief] in winter and in harvest-time, in spring and in summer 
they have been and they will be wretched. . . . [Because of their un- 
belief] they gnaw and nibble their hard bread in dripping sweat and in 
heavy toil; and they are ever in the wind and the sun, and the winter 
storm. [Because of their unbelief] in their land spring forth so many 
nettles, so many roots, so many thistles, so many thorns. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 37 

Tout ravissent, lance sur fautre, 

Et tout gastent, et tout deveurent. . . . 

(Lamenta, iv, 447-477) 



Dieux! pourquoy le clergie fortunes 

De tes biens, que pour eulx aiines, 

Qu'il despendent si folement? 

De nous ne curent nullement; 

II mainent vie deshonneste, 

Le pie nous tiennent sur la teste. 

Par eulx nous laisses lapider, 

Et estrangler et embrider. 

En labour usons nostre vie. . . . 

Tu ne prises pas un tabour 

Les paines de nostre labour. 

Tu obe'is a leurs demandes; 

De bons vins, de bonnes viandes 

Usent, et vestent les bons dras, 

Et chevauchent les chevaulx gras. . . 

II [le clergie] boit du peuple la sueur; 

Griefment se mesfait et mesprent. . . 

Quant leur labeur mangue et prent. . 

II sont trop pires que les vers; . . . 

Les vers manguent la charongne, . . . 

Le clergie nous mangust tous vis, 

Char et sane, tant est allouvis. . . . 

Chault ne froit ne puet soustenir, 

N'il ne se pourroit travaillier 

A labourer ne a veillier. 

Le peuple tout fait et tout livre, 

Et si ne puet durer ne vivre 

Qu'il ne soit tousjours tempestes 

Et par le clergie molestes. . . . 

De nul besoing ne nous sequeurent, 

Mais nous et le nostre deveurent. . . 

Les prelas sont loups ravissables, 

Que tu as pastours esleus 

Sur nous; si sommes deceiis 

Car il gastent tout et destruisent, 



38 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Et les plus mittres plus nous nuisent 

Et font plus de maulx et de troubles. . . . 

Tes prelas monstrent par leurs euvres 

Nature de beste sauvage. 

Puis qu'il font a ton fouc dommage. 

(Lamenta, iii, 599-806) 
Je loueroye volentiers 
Les laboureurs bons et entiers, 
Vivans de leur loial labour; . . . 
Mais. . . . 

Les commandemens Dieu ne prisent, 
Et les drois de FEglise brisent. . . . 
Le plus se vivent comme beste, 
Et en jour ouvrier et en feste. 

(Lamenta, iv, 661-688) 28 

28 There is nothing worth saying about the nobles; almost everything 
about them is contemptible. Each knight boasts himself worth a thou- 
sand common men. They are of that worth in pillaging or consuming 
the living of others; but they don't care much for war even to defend the 
Church, nor for defending freedom and maintaining the people's rights. 
. . . They plunder everything, lance in rest, and lay waste and consume 
everything. Why dost thou, O Lord, enrich the clergy with thy good 
things which thou lavishest upon them and which they spend so foolishly? 
For us they care nothing; they lead a dishonest life; they put their feet 
upon our heads. Thou allowest us to be stoned by them and strangled 
and driven hard. In toil we wear out our life. . . . Thou dost not care 
a rattle for the pains of our labor. Thou yieldest to all their requests; 
they consume choice wines and delicate viands, and wear fine cloth, and 
ride sleek horses. . . . The clergy drink the sweat of the people; they 
sin and misdo grievously when they seize and consume the toil of the 
people. . . . They are much worse than worms: worms eat the dead 
body; the clergy would eat us alive, flesh and blood, so insatiable is their 
hunger. . . . They can endure neither cold nor heat, nor can they work 
either at manual labor or at guard duty. The people do everything and 
give everything, and yet they can not live without being always annoyed 
and molested by the clergy. . . . The clergy aid us in no need, but they 
consume us and our property. The prelates whom thou didst choose for 
pastors over us are ravening wolves; and we are deceived, for they lay 
waste and destroy everything, and the highest in authority injure us the 
most and do us the most harm and cause us the most trouble. . . . Thy 
prelates show in their actions the nature of wild beasts, since they do 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 39 

Upon the verse of Jean de Meung also fell the grim shadow 
of poverty. His hunger is no mere allegorical figure, but drawn 
with sternly realistic strokes. Richesse speaks: 

Et se savoir voles son estre, . . . 

Fain demore en un champ perreus 

Ou ne croist ble, buisson ne broce. . . . 

Fain, qui ne voit ne ble ne arbres, 

Les erbes en errache pures 

As trenchans ongles, as dens dures; 

Mes moult les trueve cleres nees 

Por les pierres espes sem£es; 

Et se la voloie descrivre, 

Tost en porroie estre deUivre. 

Longe est et megre et lasse et vaine, 

Grant soffrete a de pain d'avaine; 

Les cheveus a tous hericies, 

Les iex crues, en parfont glici6s, 

Vis pale et balievres sechies 

Joes de rooille entechi^s. 

Par sa pel dure qui vorroit, 

Ses entrailles veoir porroit, 

Les os par les illiers li saillent, 

Ou trestoutes humours defaillent; 

N'el n'a, ce semble, point de ventre 

Fors le leu qui si parfont entre, 

Que tout le pis a la meschine 

Pent a la cloie de l'eschine. 

Ses dois li a creus maigresce, 

Des genous li pert la rondesce; 

Talons a haus, agus, parens, 

Ne pert qu'el ait point de char ens. 

(Roman de la rose, 10898) 29 

harm to thy flock. ... I would praise gladly the good and upright labor- 
ers, living by their honest toil; . . . but . . . they do not prize the com- 
mands of God, and they transgress the rights of the Church. . . . Most of 
them live like beasts both on working days and holidays. 

29 And if you wish to know her dwelling-place, Hunger abides in a stony 
field where grows no grain, no bush, no brushwood. Hunger, who sees 



40 THE SPIKIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The higher classes, like rapacious wolves, devour the scanty 
holdings of the poor: 

Baillif, prevoz, bediaus, maiour, 
Tuit vivent presque de rapine, 
Li menus pueples les encline, 
Et cil comme leus les deveurent. 
Trestuit sor les povres gens queurent, 
N'est nus qui despoillier n'es vueille. 
Tuit s'afublent de lor despueille, 
Trestuit de lor sustances hument, 
Sans eschauder tous viz les plument. 
Li plus fors le plus fieble robe. 

{Roman de la rose, 12465) 30 

In his analysis of the causes of poverty, Jean de Meung is 
not in advance of his age. Extravagant living is one cause. 
Other causes are summed up in that vague word, "Fortune," 
which saved the medieval thinker so much hard reasoning. 
But keen observation had taught Jean de Meung the conclu- 
sion of modern criminologists, that poverty is more often the 



no grain or trees, snatches up the weeds raw with her sharp nails and hard 
teeth; she finds them growing sparsely because of the thick-sown rocks. 
And if I should try to describe her, I could do it very easily. She is tall 
and thin and feeble and wasted; she has great need of barley-bread; her 
hair is unkempt, her eyes deeply sunken, her face pale, her lips dry, her 
cheeks spotted as with mildew. Through her dry skin one who wished 
could see her entrails; her bones project through her sides, dry from lack 
of the natural humors of the body. Nor has she apparently any stomach 
except a hole which enters so deeply that the wretched creature's breast 
clings to the back of her spine. Leanness has worn away her fingers; the 
knee-cap of her knees appears; her heel-bones are high, sharp, prominent. 
It does not seem as if she had an ounce of flesh on her body. 

30 Bailiffs, provosts, beadles, mayors, all live chiefly by plunder. The 
humble folk bow before them, and the officials devour them like wolves. 
All rush upon the poor; there is no one who does not try to rob them. 
Those in power wrap themselves up in what they strip from the poor; 
they drink up their substance; without scalding them, they pluck them 
alive. The stronger robs the weaker. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 41 

cause than the result of crime. These are the passages bearing 
on the subject: 

Neporquant autresinc grant perte 
Recoit Tame en trop grant poverte 
Cum el fait en trop grant richesce; 
L'une et l'autre igaument la blesce. . . . 
Cil que mendicite guerroie, 
De pechie comment le guerroie? 

(Roman de la rose, 12192-12211) 

Et Povrete fait pis que Mort: 

Car ame et cors tormente et mort, . . . 

Et lor ajoute a dampnement 

Larrecin et parjurement, 

Avec toutes autres durtes 

Dont chascuns est griement hurtes. 

(Roman de la rose, 8905) 31 

Richesse says: 

Puis [Fain] prent Larrecin par l'oreille. 
Quant le voit dormir, es l'esveille, . . . 
Si le conseille et endoctrine 
Comment il les doit procurer 
Combien qu'il lor doie durer. 
Et Cuers-Faillis a li s'accorde, 
Qui songe toute jor la corde 
Qui li fait hericier et tendre 
Tout le poil, qu'el ne voie pendre 
Larrecin, son filz, le tremblant, 
Si Ten le puet trover emblant. 

(Roman de la rose, 10969) 



31 Nevertheless the soul receives just as much harm from too great 
poverty as it does from too great riches; each injures the soul equally. 
. . . How can one who must fight with poverty guard himself from sin? 
Poverty does worse than Death; for it torments and kills soul and body, 
. . . and it adds to their perdition theft and perjury, with all other hard- 
ships by which the victim is grievously injured. 



42 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Povret6s, qui point de sens n'a, 
Larrecin, son filz, amena, 
Qui s'en vet au gibet le cors 
Por faire a sa mere secors. 

(Roman de la rose, 10289) 32 

Jean de Meung was the more inclined to regard the thief 
with leniency from his communistic doctrine of property ten- 
ure. In a passage already cited (p. 17), it will be remembered 
that the office of king originated, according to the Romance 
of the Rose, as a makeshift, and that the first recipient of the 
honor was far from being a vicar of God on earth. Jean de 
Meung accords the economic theory of private property as 
little respect. In the good days of old, he maintains, personal 
possessions were unknown; as soon, however, as men adopted 
a social organization, the strength of the newly-formed gov- 
ernment was perverted to the protection of private property. 
The old feeling of brotherhood vanished. Covetousness and 
fraud pervaded men's relations with one another. Officers of 
justice, although appointed to defend the humble, soon found 
that their profit lay in an alliance with the great. In despera- 
tion men assented to the tyranny of one as a relief from the 
rapacity of all. (We cannot, I think, object that this theory of 
Jean de Meung is a mere reflection of classic mythology with 
its Age of Gold, for, Latinist as Jean de Meung was, he was 
also a shrewd observer of his own times. He was much more 
likely to cover a teaching of his own with the mantle of classic 
tradition than to repeat an old fancy at variance with his own 
belief.) 

32 Then [Hunger] takes Theft by the ear, when she sees him sleeping 
and wakes him, . . . and counsels him and teaches him how he is to 
procure food for them [?] however long it may take. And Faint-Heart 
[the father] gives consent though he dreams all day of the halter so that 
every hair stands on end with fear lest he see Theft hanged, Theft, his 
timid son, if he is caught stealing. 

Poverty, who has no sense, brought Theft, her son, who speeds to the 
gibbet to obtain aid for his mother. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 43 

De fer dur forgierent lor armes, 
Coutiaus, espees et guisarmes, 
Et glaives et cotes maill^es, 
Por faire a lor voisins meslees. 
Lors firent tors et roilleis. 
Et murs a creniaus tailleis; 
Chastiaus fermerent et cites, 
Et firent grans palais listed 
Cil qui les tresors assemblerent, 
Car tuit de grant paor tremblerent 
Por les riches ces assemblies, 
Qu'eles ne lor fussent emblees, 
Ou par quelque forfait tolues. 
Bien furent lor dolor creues 
As chetis de mauvais eur, 
Cone puis ne furent ass&ir, 
Que ce qui commun ert devant, 
Comme le soleil et le vent, 
Par convoitise approprierent, 
Quant as richesces se lierent. 
Or en a bien un plus que vingt: 
One ce de bon cuer ne lor vint. 

(Roman de la rose, 10392) M 

Governmental institutions are throughout the book treated 
as the product of the evil side of man's nature, of his " malice," 

33 They made their arms of hard iron, knives, swords, axes, broad- 
swords and coats of mail, to fight with their neighbors. They constructed 
towers and barricades and walls of crenelated stone; they strengthened 
their castles and cities, and they built great and splendid palaces. Those 
who had collected their treasures [took these precautions} because they 
all trembled with great fear for the riches they had accumulated lest they 
should be stolen from them or carried off through some outrage. The 
cares of those wretched men were greatly increased so that they were never 
secure, for what had been common property, such as the air and sunshine, 
they appropriated through covetousness, when they fastened upon riches. 
Now one man possesses more than twenty. This was never granted to 
them willingly. 



44 THE SPIKIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Qui fu mere des seignories, 
Dont les franchises sont paries, 
Car se ne fust maus et pechies 
Dont li mondes est entechies, 
L'en n'eust onques roi veu 
Ne juge en terre congneu. 
Si se pruevent il malement, 
Qu'il deussent premierement 
Trestout avant eus justicier, 
Puis qu'en se doit en eus fier. . . . 
Mes or vendent les jugemens 
Et bestornent les erremens, 
Et taillent et cuellent et saient, 
Et les povres gens trestout paient. 
Tuit s'esforcent de l'autrui prendre 
Tex juges fait le larron pendre, 
Qui miex deust estre pendus, 
Se jugemens li fust rendus 
Des rapines et des tors fais, 
Qu'il a par son pooir forfais. 

(Roman de la rose, 6300) 34 

The gentler admonitions of the Hermit are also based upon 
an obliteration of social distinctions: 

Tu ki des lois tiens le droiture, 
Quant avient si gries aventure 
Ki damner t'estuet par besoigne 

34 Evil was the mother of governments through which our freedom has 
perished, for were it not for the evil and the sin with which the world is 
stained, no such thing as a king or a judge would ever have been seen or 
known on earth. And they conduct themselves ill, for they ought first 
of all to make their own lives just, since we ought to have confidence in 
them. . . . But now they sell judgments and pervert customs; they lay 
fines, and cut down and seize crops, and the poor always pay the cost. 
They all try to get the goods of others. Many a judge sentences the 
thief to be hanged, who ought to be hanged himself, if judgment were 
executed upon him for the thefts and evil deeds, committed through abuse 
of his power. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 45 

Un home por se forfaiture 

Et destruire le Diu faiture, 

Soies discres en tel essoigne 

Et tant orible fait resoigne. 

Ke pietes au cuer te poigne! 

El caitif conois te nature 

Ke tu fais morir a vergoigne. . . . 

Aies le cuer et dur et tendre; 
Toi le convient amer et pendre; 
Amer por chou k'il est tes frere, 
Pendre por chou ke il est lere. . . . 

Juges, quant tu vois en le toie 
Court le povre ki se tristoie, 
Di: " Jou voi la un Diu eslit." 
S'on H fait tort, si le droitoie; 
Car si fait home Dius saintoie 
Cui tu vois el sac sepelit, 
Ki a et pou pain et dur lit, 
Ki n'a solas ne n'a delit, 
Chiaus cui li mondes ne festoie, 
Cuides tu ke Dius les oublit 
Et k'envers aus ne s'amolit? 
Dius au povre se feste estoie. 

(Romans de Carite, St. 47 ff.) 35 

35 You who judge transgressions of the law, when you face the hard 
necessity of condemning a man for his crime and of destroying the handi- 
work of God, be scrupulous in such a case and consider carefully your 
horrible duty. Let pity prick your heart! Recognize your very nature 
in the wretch whom you send to shameful death. Let your heart be at 
once stern and pitiful; it is necessary for you both to love [the criminal] 
and to cause him to be hanged: to love him because he is your brother, 
to cause him to be hanged because he is a thief. O Judge, when you see 
in your court the poor man whose life is sad, say: "I see there one chosen 
of God." If anyone does him wrong, grant him justice. For just such 
a man God receives among his saints as you see buried in sacking, a man 
who has little bread and a hard bed, who has no pleasure or delight. Think 
you that God forgets those for whom the world offers no feasts, that God's 
heart is not tender towards them? God keeps his feast for the poor. 



46 THE SPIRIT OP PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

In their speculative sociology, at least, these medieval moral- 
ists had utterly rejected the class distinctions of their day. 
Each author delights in unfolding to the point of prolixity his 
conception of "true nobility." They agree fundamentally: 
nobility is a matter of character, not an accident of birth. 

Philippe de Novare, an important personage of his time, 
writing about 1265, has quite discarded the old idea of caste: 

A droit sont franches genz amiables tuit cil qui ont franc 
cuer . . . et cil qui a franc cuer, de quelque part il soit venuz, 
il doit estre apelez frans et gentis; car se il est de bas leu et 
de mauveis et il est bons, de tant doit il estre plus honores. . . . 

Et vilain sont cil qui vilainnement se contiennent, et en dit 
et en fet ne ne vuelent riens faire que a force e par paor; 
tuit cil qui ce font, sont droit vilain, ausis bien comme s'il 
fussent serf ou gaeigneur as riches homes; ne ja se il sont 
astraiz de nobles homes et de vaillanz, por tant ne doivent 
il estre apele gentil ne franc, car gentillesce ne valour d'anees- 
tre ne fet que nuire as mauveis hoirs honir; et mains en fust 
de honte, quant il sont mauveis, se il fussent astrait de 
vilains. 

(Quatre tenz d'aage d'ome, If 212, 214) 36 

It is natural to find disparagement of rank frequent in the 
writings of the clerics, since many of their number owed their 
influence not to their birth, but to their talents.* Philippe 
observes : 

36 Truly the persons of good birth and lovable are those who have a 
good heart, and he who has a good heart, no matter from what class he 
has come, ought to be considered of good birth and noble; for if he is of 
humble and base family, and yet is good, he ought to be so much the 
more honored. And churls are those who act churlishly, who in word 
and deed will do nothing except on compulsion and from fear; all who 
act thus are truly churls, just as much as if they were serfs or laborers 
for the rich man; nor even if they are descended from noble and valiant 
men, for that reason are they to be called noble or of good birth, for neither 
nobility nor ancestral valor can do aught but redound to the shame of 
degenerate heirs; and the shame would be less, when men are base, if 
they were descended from churls. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 47 

Par clergie est avenu sovant . . . que li filz d'un povre home 
devient uns granz prelaz; et par ce est riches et honorez et 
peres et sires de celui qui fu sires de lui et des siens; et mes- 
troie et governe touz caus dou pais et puet apostoles devenir, 
et estre peres et sires de toute crestiente. 

(Quatre tenz d'aage d'ome, f 15) 37 

The Mireour du monde is insistent in its declaration of the 
essential equality of all men, resting its teaching on the Scrip- 
tural account of Creation and the Christian doctrine of the 
brotherhood of man. 

Un grant segneur ne doit mie despire son garchon; quer 
tel garde de ton cheval qui vaut miex a droit prisier que toi. 
Se tu es chevalier, pour ce ne dois tu mie despire celi qui son 
pain gaaigne a son houe; ains dois penser que il a melleur du 
gieu parti. 

Se tu es une grant dame vestue de soie ou d'autres dras 
riches, tu ne dois mie despire ta poure voisine. Quer quant 
nous vendrons a la grante feste ou nous alons plus que le 
trot on ne fera mie feste de sa sarpiliere, mais de ca qui est 
dedens. Pour ce dont, ne doi-je nuli despire. Quer chascun 
est mon frere germain, nenne sans plus d'Eve et d'Adam, ains 
est fils Dieu le mien Pere. Et est aussi bien fils de Sainte 
Eglyse, ma mere, comme je suy. . . . 

La vraie noblesse vient du cuer gentil. . . . Nul n'est adroit 
gentil de la gentilesse du cors; quer, quant au cors, tous 
somes fis d'une mere: c'est de terre et de boe dont nous 
prismes tous char et sane. De ce(s) coste nul n'est adroit gen- 
til ne franc. Mais notre droit pere est le roy du ciel qui f ourma 
le cors de terre, et cria Fame a sa semblance et a son ymage. 
... He Dieu ! comme sont loins de cele hautesce ceus qui se 
font si nobles de ceste poure hautesce qu'il ont de leur mere 
la terre (qui porte et nourrist les pourciaus aussi bien comme 

37 Through learning it has often happened . . . that the son of a poor 
man becomes a great prelate; and in this way he is rich and honored, 
and father and lord of him who was lord of him and his; and he [the poor 
priest] rules and governs all those of the country and may become pope 
and be father and lord of all Christendom. 



48 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

elle fait des roys) et se vantent de leur gentillesse pour ce 
que il cuident estre de gentil lignie. 

(Mireour du monde, pp. 59, 60, 230, 231) 38 

In the reigns of Philip IV and his three sons democratic 
ideas made great advance, partly because it was the royal 
policy to build up the strength of the people as a counterpoise 
to the feudal nobility and to the Papacy, insistent upon 
temporal power. It was unhappily only a false dawn of politi- 
cal liberty, yet it lights up much of the literature. It became 
worth while to write for the common man. Langlois mentions 
" among a great many others" these colleges "founded for the 
sons of artisans " : 

Le College du Cardinal le Moine, 1302, 
Le College de Navarre, 1302, 
Le College de Bayeux, 1308, 
Le College de Presles, 1314, 
Le College de Montaigne, 1317. 

38 A great lord ought not at all to despise his servant, for many a one 
takes care of your horse, who in a just estimation is worth more than you. 
If you are a knight, that is no reason for despising the man who earns 
his bread by the hoe; rather you ought to think that he comes off better 
in the comparison. 

If you are a fine lady dressed in silk or other rich cloth, you ought 
not at all to despise your poor neighbor. For when we shall come to the 
great feast to which we are hastening, no account will be taken of the 
outer garment, but only of the heart underneath. Therefore, I must not 
despise any one. For every mortal is my own brother, a descendant of 
Adam and Eve; moreover, he is the son of God, my father. And truly 
he is also the son of Holy Church, my mother, as I am. . . . 

True nobility comes from the gentle heart. ... No one is truly noble 
through nobility of body; since, as to the body, we are all sons of one 
mother: I mean the earth and mud from which we all took flesh and 
blood. In this respect no one is gentle or of good birth. 

But our true father is the king of Heaven, who formed the body from 
earth and created the soul in his semblance and image. Alas, my God! 
how far from such nobility are those who think themselves so grand be- 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 49 

As further proof of a deliberate attempt to elevate the 
people by instruction, he adduces the great number of ency- 
clopedias which appear at this time. 

Jean de Meung, foreshadowing his own translation of Boe- 
thius, sets down as the purpose of such a work the benefit to 
be derived by the people from this high philosophy.* 

. . . Granz biens as gens laiz feroit 
Qui bien le lor translateroit. 39 

His biting wit Jean de Meung applies to the pretensions of 
the nobility to superiority in aught save gifts of fortune. There 
is, indeed, no theme upon which he writes more feelingly. He 
interrupts his discourse on comets to expatiate for the space of 
nearly three hundred lines on the essence of true nobility. He 
reiterates that this essential quality consists, not in ancient 
lineage, but in personal worth. The democrat speaks in every 
line. He maintains, as might be guessed, that the scholar is 
far more likely to possess true nobility than the man of long 
descent. 

Et se nus contredire m'ose 

Qui de gentillece s'alose, 

Et die que li gentil home, 

Si cum li pueples les renome, 

Sunt de meillor condicion, 

Par noblece de nacion, 

Que cil qui les terres cultivent 

Ou qui de lor labor se vivent, 

Ge respons que nus n'est gentis, 

S'il n'est as vertus ententis, — 

Ne n'est vilains, fors par ses vices. . . . 

Noblece vient de bon corage; 

Car gentillece de lignage 

cause of this poor nobility which they have from their mother the earth 
(that bears and nourishes the swine just as she does kings) and who boast 
of their nobility because they esteem themselves of gentle lineage. 

39 He would do a great service to the common people, who would trans- 
late it correctly for them. 



50 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

N'est pas gentillece qui vaille, 

Por quoi bonte de cuer i faille. . . . 

Si r'ont clerc plus grand avantage 

D'estre gentiz, cortois et sage, . . . 

Que n'ont li princes ni li roi 

Qui ne sevent de letreure . . . 

Qu'il en ont trop plus d'avantages 

Que oil qui cort as cers ramages. . . . 

Par plusors le vous proveroie, 

Qui furent nes de bas lignages, 

Et plus orent nobles corages 

Que maint fil de rois ne de contes, . . . 

Et por gentil furent tenu. . . . 

Et cil qui d'autrui gentillece, 

Sens sa valor et sens proece, 

En vuet porter los et renon, 

Est-il gentil? ge dis que non. 

Ains doit estre vilains clamps, 

Et vilz tenus, et mains am6s 

Que s'il estoit filz d'un truant. 

(Roman de la rose, 19540-19694) 40 

It is not, Jean de Meung protests, ancestry and the oppor- 
tunity for idle pleasures that constitute gentility, whatever 
the age may think. 

40 And if any one should venture to dispute my opinion by praising 
nobility and saying that the nobility, as the people name them, are nobler 
in character because of their high birth, than those who till the fields or 
gain their living from the toil, I reply that no one is noble unless he prac- 
tices virtue, and no one is a churl except through his vices. Nobility 
proceeds from goodness of heart; for nobility of lineage is not the nobility 
that counts, if goodness of heart is lacking. . . . And again clerics find it 
far easier to be noble, courteous and wise, . . . than do princes and kings 
who know not letters, . . . and they find it easier than he who hunts 
branching stags. ... I could point out to you many cases of men who 
were born of lowly family, and had nobler hearts than many a son of 
king or count, and who were regarded as noble. . . . And he who claims 
praise and renown because of the nobility of others without valor or worth 
of his own, is he noble? I say, "No." He ought rather to be called 
churl, and considered base and less loved than if he were son of a vagrant. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 51 

Si dient qu'il sunt gentil homme, 
Por ce que Ten les i renomme, 
Et que lor bons parens le furent, 
Qui furent tex cum estre current; 
Et qu'il ont et chiens et oisiaus 
Por sembler gentiz damoisiaus, 
Et qu'il vont chagant par rivieres, 
Par bois, par champs et par bruieres, 
Et qu'il se vont oiseus esbatre. 
Mes il sunt mauvais, vilain nastre 
Et d'autrui noblece se vantent; 
II ne dient pas voir, ains mentent, 
Et le non de gentillece emblent, 
Quant lor bons parens ne resemblent: 
Car quant g'es fais semblables nestre, 
II vuelent donques gentil estre 
D 'autre noblece que de cele 
Que ge lor doing, qui moult est bele, 
Qui a nom Naturel Franchise, 
Que j'ai sor tous egaument mise, 
Avec raison que Diex lor done, 
Qui les fait, tant est sage et bone, 
Semblables a Dieu et as anges. 

(Roman de la rose, 19788-19809) 41 

In the preceding quotations, various explanations of the social 
inequality among men will have been noted, and the corres- 

41 And they say that they are noble men because they are so called, 
and because their good parents were such (if indeed they were what they 
should have been), and because they have both dogs and birds to seem 
high-born gentlemen, and because they go hunting along the rivers, through 
woods and fields and heaths, and because they pass their time in idle 
amusements. But they are base, contemptible serfs, and they claim the 
nobility of others; they do not speak the truth, they deceive, and steal 
the name of gentility, when they do not resemble their good parents; 
for though I [Nature] make [all] born equal these aspire to be noble by 
another kind of nobility than I give them. The nobility that I bestow 
is very beautiful, and is called Native Gentility, and I have given it to all 
equally, together with reason that God gives to them, and which makes 
them, so wise and good is it, similar to God and the angels. 



52 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

ponding variety of remedies for the injustice of such conditions. 
Jean de Meung, the most philosophical of the poets, developed 
Ovid's account of the Four Ages into an early form of the social 
contract. The Hermit, of a more religious temper, held that 
present evils are due to the absence of love from the world. 
The forms of government might have seemed to him of little 
worth, provided the hearts of men were possessed by Charity. 
In other words, he would change the individual; Jean de 
Meung, society. Other moralists, probably the greater num- 
ber, thought to reform their world by holding ever before the 
minds of men their humble end, when the day of this life has 
passed. 

Of what avail, Etienne de Fougeres asks, is the conscienceless 
struggle for wide domain? 

Las ! horn mortal por quei s'enveise? 
A que tire ne a quei teise? 
S'il n'a terre, por quei Fen peise? 
A son jor en avra sa teise. 

(Livre des manieres, st. 31) ^ 

The same thought is expressed thus by Guillaume le Clerc. 
After describing in rather loathsome detail the havoc death 
makes in the beauty and strength of princes, he concludes: 

Al jor qu'il [Louis VIII] fu en terre mis, 

Out mil ribals en son pais 

Greignors de lui e mult plus f orz : 

E al hore qu'il furent morz, 

Chascun out la fosse greignor 

Que la fosse au rei lur seignur. 

Vnques nul d'els n'aveit avant 

Eu de terre plain son gant : 

Mes done out chescun de tant plus 

Q'en greignor fosse fu enclos. 

42 Alas! for what does mortal man strive? for what does he aim and 
for what does he struggle? If he has no land, why does he disquiet him- 
self? At the day of his death, he will have his measure. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 53 

Done ne valut sa dignite, 

Sa force ne sa poeste 

Nient plus que de son vilain. 

Ausi revendra il demain 

A cent princes qui sont el monde. 

La mort a sa pierre en sa fonde 

Tut aprestee por lancier. 

Nus ne se puet vers lui muscier, 

Contre li n'a nule garite. 

(Besant de Dieu, 189) * 

The idea of death as a leveler is developed at greatest length 
in the Vers de la Mort of the monk Helinant, who wrote his 
poem between the years 1194 and 1199. 

Morz, qui en toz lieus as tes rentes, . . . 

Qui les riches ses desnuer, 

Qui les levez en haut adentes, 

Qui les plus poissanz acraventes, 

Qui les honeurs ses remuer, 

Qui les plus forz fais tressuer 

Et les plus cointes esluer. . . . 

Morz, . . . 

As princes te vueil envoier 
Qui trop suelent caus cuivroier 
Qiu suefrent les froiz et les chauz. 
Morz, tu venges les bas des hauz. . . . 
Tu trenches par mi a ta fauz 
Faucons et ostoirs et girfauz 
Que tu vois al ciel coloier. . . . 

43 On the day when he was laid in earth there were a thousand poor 
wretches in his country, taller and much stronger than he; and after they 
were dead, each had a grave larger than the grave of their lord. Never 
did any one of them before own a gloveful of land, but then each had 
more inasmuch as he was laid in a larger grave. Then the lord's rank, 
his strength and his power availed no more than that of his serf. So it 
will happen tomorrow to a hundred princes who are now alive. Death 
has his stone in his sling, all ready to hurl. No one can hide from Death; 
against Death there is no rampart. 



>4 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Morz, Morz, qui ja ne seras lasse 
De muer haute chose en basse: 
Trop volentiers fesisse aprendre 
Ambesdeus les rois, se j'osasse, 
Com tu trais raseor de chasse 
Por rere §aus qui ont que prendre. 
Morz, qui les montez fais descendre 
Et qui des cors as rois fais cendre: 
Tu as tramail et roiz et nasse 
Por devant le haut homme tendre, 
Qui por sa poeste* estendre 
Son ombre tressaut et trespasse. . . . 

Morz, tu abaz a un seul tor 

Aussi le roi dedenz sa tor 

Com le povre dedenz son toit. . . . 

Morz fait franc homme de cuivert, 
Morz fait franc homme de civert, 
Morz acuivertist roi et pape, 
Morz rent chascun ce qu'il desert, 
Morz rent al povre ce qu'il pert, 
Morz tout al riche quanqu'il hape. . . . 

Morz fait a chascun sa droiture, 
Morz fait a toz droite mesure, 
Morz poise tot a juste pois, . . . 
Morz met orgeuil a porreture, 
Morz fait faillir la guerre as rois. . . . 

Morz, se riche homme a toi pensassent, 

Ja lor ames la n'engaj assent 

n'a mestier or nes argenz: 

Ja lor vius cors si n'aaisassent 

Ne lor ongles si n'aguisassent 

Por escorchier les povres genz, 

Car en caus fiches tu tes denz 

Plus en parfont et plus dedenz 

Qui povres et travaillent lassent 

Les abandonez a toz venz, 

Qui de la sustance as dolenz 

La fain d'avarice respassent. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 55 

Morz, tu defies et guerroies 
Qaus qui des tailles et des proies 
Font les sorfaiz et les outrages: 
Toz tes tormenz en caus emploies 
Qui d'autrui doleur font lor joies. 
Neporquant c'est mais li usages 
(Ce pert par tot as seignorages). . . . 

Morz, tu queurs la o orgueus fume 
Por esteindre quanqu'il alume: 
Tes ongles, sanz oster, enz fiches 
El riche, qui art et escume 
Sor le povre cui sane il hume. 
(Vers de la Mort, st, 3, 12, 20, 21, 31, 32, 40, 41, 42) « 

From the South of France came the same cry against the 
rapacity of the rich and noble. The following verses are those 



44 O Death, who hast revenues in all places, who canst despoil the rich, 
who castest down the mighty and reducest to nothing the most powerful,, 
who canst take away honors and make the strongest to sweat with fear, 
and the most cautious to slip, Death, ... I wish to send thee to princes 
that are too much accustomed to burden those who suffer from cold and 
heat. Death, thou avengest the lowly against the mighty. . . . Thou 
cuttest down with thy scythe falcons and hawks and girfalcons which 
thou seest stretching their necks to the sky. . . . Death, Death who 
wilt never be weary of changing high to low, very gladly would I have 
thee teach both the kings [of France and England] how thou drawest a 
hunting-knife to shear the wealthy, Death, who abasest those of high 
degree and who makest ashes of kings' bodies. Thou hast trammel and 
nets and toil to stretch before the mighty man who to increase his power 
attempts the impossible. . . . Death, thou bringest low at one stroke as 
well the king in his tower as the poor man under his humble roof. Death 
makes a free man of a serf, and enslaves king and pope; Death renders to 
each what he deserves; he gives to the poor man what he lacks; Death 
takes from the rich all he has snatched. Death renders justice to all; 
Death gives true measure to all; Death brings pride to corruption; Death 
makes kings' wars to fail. Death, if rich men thought of thee, never 
would they endanger their souls where neither gold nor silver avails; . . . 
nor would they sharpen their nails to flay the poor, for thou fastenest 
thy teeth most deeply in those who set the poor at hard tasks and weary 



56 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

of an aristocrat, denouncing the selfishness of his class. The 
troubadour, Peire Cardinal, sings: 

Li ric home an pietat tan gran 
De paubra gen, com ac Caym d'Abelh; 
Que mais volon tplre que lop no fan, 
E mais mentir que toz as de bordelh: 
Si 'Is crebavatz en dos locx o en tres, 
No us cugessetz que vertatz n'issis ges 
Mas messongas, don an al cor tal fon 
Que sobrevertz cum aigua de toron. 

Mans baros vey, en mans luecx, que y estan 
Plus falsamen que veyres en anelh; 
E qui per fis los ten falh atrestan 
Cum si un p. om] lop vendia per anhel; 
Quar els no son ni de ley ni de pes; 
Ans foron fag a ley de fals poges; 
On par la cros e la flors en redon, 
E no y trob om argent quan lo refon. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, 347) 45 

those exposed to every wind, those who feed the hunger of their avarice 
with the sustenance of the wretched. Death, thou defiest and makest war 
upon those who lay excessive taxes and burdensome services; thou usest 
all thy torments upon those who base their pleasures upon the griefs of 
others. Nevertheless, that is the common usage. (This appears every- 
where among the nobility.) Death, thou hastenest wherever pride kindles, 
to extinguish it whenever it blazes up: thy nails thou fastenest, without 
letting go, in the rich man who burns and foams over the poor whose 
blood he sucks. 

45 The rich have as much pity for the poor, as Cain had for Abel; for 
they are more eager to plunder than are wolves, and to deceive than are 
bawds. If you should pierce them in two or three places, you need never 
expect truth to issue forth, but falsehoods, of which they have in their 
heart so great a spring that it gushes forth like water from a fountain. 

Many barons I see in many places, who are falser than glass in a finger 
ring; and he who regards them as true men errs as much as if one should 
sell a wolf for a lamb; for they are not legal currency nor are they of the 
right weight; they were made after the fashion of false coins, on which 
appear the cross and wreath of flowers, but one finds no silver in them 
when one melts them. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 57 

Three passages now to be quoted have a more ominous ring, 
as if popular discontent were already a power to be feared. The 
first extract is from a poem somewhat earlier than the other 
poems studied, the Roman de Rou of Wace (1160-1174). The 
fact that the author's sympathies were with the duke rather 
than with his oppressed subjects makes his testimony to the 
peasants' wretchedness the more convincing. The revolt 
described took place about the year 1000 {Roman de Rou, hi, 
769), soon after the accession of Richard the Good to the Nor- 
man dukedom. The appellation "good" may in the sequel 
seem a misnomer; it had reference, however, as Wace himself 
explains, to the duke's zeal in serving God, or what came to 
the same thing in the mind of the chronicler, to his liberality 
towards the Church. He built Feschamp and made it the 
richest abbey of western France (1.793). He honored the monks 
so that men "marveled" at his piety and did not too curiously 
scan the sources of his wealth. Wace's account of economic 
conditions in this good duke's province is equally applicable to 
his own age. Indeed, the stern realism of the passage marks 
it as written by one who knew well that the grievances he 
enumerated were no imaginary wrongs. He depicted the 
peasants' life as he had himself seen it. 

Ne guaires n'aueit due este, 
Quant el pais surst une guerre, 
Ki dut grant mal faire en la terre. 
Li paisant e li uilain, . . . 
Ne sai par cui entichement, . . . 
Par uinz, par trentaines, par eenz 
Vnt tenu plusurs parlemenz. . . . 
Priueement ont purparle 
E plusurs l'unt entr'eals hire, 
Que ia mais par lui uolonte 
N'aurunt seinur ne auoe. 
Seignurs ne lur funt si mal nun, 
Ne puet aueir a els fuisun 
Ne lur guainz ne lur laburs; 
Chascun iur uunt a granz dulurs. 



58 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

En peine sunt e en hahan, 
Antan fu mal e pis awan: 
Tote iur sunt lur bestes prises 
Pur aies e pur seruisces; 
Tant i a plaintes e quereles 
E custummes uiez e nuueles, 
Ne poent une hure aueir pais: 
Tute iur sunt sumuns as plais; 
Plaiz de forez, plaiz de moneies, 
Plaiz de purprises, plaiz de ueies, 
Plaiz de bies faire, plaiz de moutes, 
Plaiz de defautes, plaiz de toutes, 
Plaiz d'aguaiz, plaiz de graueries 
Plaiz de medlees, plaiz de aies. 
Tant i a preuoz e bedeaus 
E tanz bailiz, uiels e nuuels, 
Ne poent aueir pais une hure. . . . 
A force funt lur aueir prendre: 
Tenir ne s'osent ne defendre . . . 
Ne puent aueir nul guarant . . . 
Ne lur tienent nul cuuenant. 
"Fiz a putain," dient auquant, 
"Pur quei nus laissum damagier? 
Metum nus fors de lur dangier ! 
Nus sumes humes cum il sunt, 
Tels menbres auum cum il unt, 
E autresi granz cors auum 
Et autretant suffrir poum. 
Ne nus faut fors cuers sulement. 
Alium nus par serement; 
Nos aueirs e nus defendum, 
E tuit ensemble nus tenum. 
E s'il nus uelent guerrier, 
Bien auum cuntre un cheualier 
Trente v quarante paisanz, 
Maniables e cumbatanz. 
Malueis serunt e uil li trente, 
Bacheler de bele iuuente, 
Ki d'un ne se porrunt defendre, 
S'il se uvelent ensemble prendre. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 59 

As macues e as granz peus, 

As saietes e as tineus, 

As haches, as arcs, as gisarmes 

E as pieres ki n'aura armes, 

Od la grant gent ke nus auum 

Des cheualiers nus defendum, 

Einsi porrum aler el bois, 

Arbres trenchier e prendre a chois, 

Es uiuers prendre les peissuns 

E es forez les veneisuns; 

De tut ferum nos uolentez 

Del bois, des eues e des prez." 

(Roman de Ron, Part hi, 816-894) 46 

46 He had been duke but a short time when a revolt broke out in the 
country, which did great harm to the land. The peasants and serfs, I 
know not at whose instigation, by twenties, by thirties, by hundreds, held 
many meetings. They talked together secretly, and many swore to one 
another that never more with their consent should they have lord or 
protector. Lords do them nothing but harm [they complained]; neither 
their profit nor their toil provides them with abundance; every day they 
endure great hardships, they suffer pain and fatigue. Their lot was hard 
last year, and this year it is worse. Every day their beasts are seized for 
imposts and taxes; there are so many complaints and actions and tithes, 
new and old, that they cannot have peace an hour. Every day they are 
summoned to the court (of their lord), there are suits dealing with the 
forests, with the coinage, with enclosures, with highways, with cattle- 
raising [?], with grazing, with defaults, with impositions, with disputed 
claims, with taxes. There are so many overseers and beadles and so many 
bailiffs, old and new, that the peasants cannot have peace an hour. These 
officers take the peasants' property by force; the peasants dare not resist 
or defend themselves. They have no protection, nor can they obtain 
a covenant from their lords. "Cowards that we are!" say some, "Why 
do we allow ourselves to be ill treated? Let us put ourselves out of their 
power. We are men as they are; we have such limbs as they have, and 
we have as stout bodies, and we can endure as much. All we lack is 
courage. Let us take an oath; let us defend ourselves and our goods, 
and support one another. And, if they try to wage war upon us, against 
one knight we have fully thirty or forty peasants, strong and able to 
fight. Thirty such men in the flower of their youth must be weakling 
and base, if they cannot defend themselves against one knight, provided 
they act together. Let us arm ourselves with maces and clubs, with arrows 



60 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The chronicle goes on to relate that before the peasants' 
plan was matured it was betrayed to Richard; that the duke's 
men, led by his uncle Raoul, seized the ringleaders and inflicted 
summary punishment on them. The atrocities meted out to 
these hapless peasants teach us to appreciate the boldness of 
such early martyrs to the cause of popular liberty. The rich 
were mulcted of their fortune: 

Ne lur laissa Fun rien a prendre 
De tant cum l'un les pout raendre. 

{Roman de Rou, iii, 955) 

The poor suffered mutilation: 

A plusors fist traire les denz, 

Les autres fist especier, 

Traire les oilz, les puins couper. . . . 

Ne li chaut gueires qui qu'en muire. 

Les autres fist tut uifs rostir 

E les autres en plum builir. 

(Roman de Rou, iii, 936) 

This treatment was efficacious in crushing resistance to 
tyranny. 

N'en firent puis uilain semblant. 
Retrait se sunt tuit e demis 
De ceo k'il aueient enpris 
Pur la pour de lur amis, 
K'il uirent defaiz e malmis. 

(Roman de Rou, iii, 948) 47 

and cudgels, with axes and bows and spears, and, if any one has no other 
weapon, with stones. By the great multitude that we have, let us defend 
ourselves against the knights. Thus we shall be able to go into the wood 
and cut trees and select at will, and take fish from the ponds and deer 
from the forests. We shall do entirely as we choose with the woods, the 
streams, and the meadows." 

47 [Rollo] allowed them to retain nothing that he could take from them. 

He ordered the teeth of many to be pulled out; some he had mutilated: 
their eyes torn out, their hands cut off. ... He cared not if the victims 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 61 

To Wace the outbreak and its suppression formed a mere epi- 
sode in his story of chivalrous exploits, but to modern readers 
it is perhaps the most significant passage in the poem. From 
it we learn the frightful cost in human suffering of that bril- 
liant feudal society; we see the brutalizing effect of arbitrary 
power on the ruling class, and we learn to respect such catch- 
words as the " sacred right of revolution/' pardoning what 
these may contain of rodomontade, out of reverence for the 
blood shed to make them a common heritage. 

Philippe de Novare (1265) hints at the same danger of popu- 
lar vengeance. 

Les jones genz font de legier volantiers outrages et tors; 
et se il sont fort, il laidissent ou deseritent lor povres voisins 
. . . et les batent et mehaignent, et aucun[s] en ocient. Tout 
ce est morteus pechiez, et granz perilz i'a as riches homes; car 
assez i'a de povres hardiz, et por ce qu'il ont moins a perdre, 
se vangent plus tost. Et ausis mole est la pance dou riche 
home comme dou povre: bien i puet antrer li glaives, car li 
viguereus n'oblie mie honte de legier, ainz panse sovant a la 
vanjance. (§40.) 

(Quatre tenz d'aage d'ome, § 40) 48 

The last work from which I shall illustrate the spirit of social 
unrest in medieval French literature is the latest version of the 



died from their injuries. Others he caused to be burned alive and still 
others boiled in lead. 

The peasants never did the like again. All drew back, and abandoned 
what they had undertaken, through fear of suffering the fate of their 
friends, whom they saw disfigured and maimed. 

48 Young men readily commit outrages and wrongs, and if they are 
strong, they injure or plunder their poor neighbors . . . and some of 
them they kill. All this is mortal sin, and likely to bring great peril upon 
rich men; for there are many poor and reckless, and because they have 
little to lose, they will the sooner avenge themselves. And the body of 
the rich man is as soft as that of the poor; a knife may easily enter therein, 
for a strong man does not lightly forget a shame, but often meditates 
vengeance. 



62 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Reynard story, Renart le Contrefait. The first draft of this 
poem was written in the years 1319 to 1322, the second was 
begun in 1328 and completed about 1342. All the extracts 
made except the last are from the revised poem. The author 
adopted for his literary form the popular beast-epic, a trans- 
parent disguise under which he might more safely attack the 
clergy and nobility. The simple fun of the earlier versions is 
quite lost in the caustic wit of the last redaction. Although 
the satire is hidden in a mass of anecdotes and good counsel, 
and of lore theological, astrological, historical, the author's 
intent is clear. 

Like Jean de Meung, and like Rousseau in a later time, the 
poet assumes an original " state of nature." Under a system 
of communal ownership and absolute freedom from government 
restrictions, the anarchist's dream had been realized : men had 
lived together a happy family in noble simplicity. 

Trestout a rencommencement 

Poeuple vivoit devotement 

Des biens que la terre portoit; 

L'un a F autre les departoit 

Begninement selon leur vye. . . . 

Ne faisoient greniers ne tresor, 

Ne scavoient qu'est argent ny or, . . . 

Par nature tous s'entr'amoient; 

Les fruitz des arbres de la terre 

Ilz alloient tous les jours querre; 

Es fleuves prenoient les poissons 

De raviseaulx £ramisseaux?3 faisoient maisons; 

D'herbe vert, de bois, de gaudines, 

Faisoient loges et courtines; 

La acolloient leurs amies 

Et menoient jolies vies. 

Envie ne pechie" mortel 

N'estoient point en leur hostel. . . . 

Nul n'avoit sur Tautre maistrise, 

Trestous vivoient en francise; 

II n'estoit baillif ne prevost. . . . 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 63 

L'un a Pautre portoit son bien; 
Quant Tun avoit, il disoit: "Tien !" 
Jamais prier ne s'en feist; 
Tout le premier que il veist, 
II offroit de sa soustenance. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 36831-63) 49 

This blessed state had only one defect, but that was a defect 
fatal to its continuance : it rested upon no settled conviction 
in the minds of the people as to the expediency and justice of 
social equality. Accordingly it broke up at the first attack. 
When certain men plotted to seize the public stock for private 
use, the injustice of their scheme was not recognized and their 
plan succeeded. Their next step was to establish a government 
to protect their stolen property. As in the Romance of the Rose, 
the first king was "ung grant vilain," but the author of Renart 
was a degree more radical than even Jean de Meung, for he 
would not admit that subjection to one master might be a lighter 
thraldom than the yoke of many plunderers. Renard himself 
established the nobility in their new privileges. 

Lors establi je gentillesse 

Qui humilite grief ve et blesse. . . . 

La fis departir toute gent 

Terres et prez, bois et rivieres; 

Cil ot le plus qui plus fort yeres. . . . 

49 In the very beginning, people lived piously on the fruits that the 
earth brought forth. Each shared them charitably with his neighbor 
according to his need. . . . They built no granaries; they laid up no 
stores, nor knew the use of silver or gold; . . . they felt natural affection 
for one another; they went forth each day to find the fruits of the earth; 
they caught the fish in the rivers; they built houses of green branches; 
they made huts and curtains of green grass, of wood of the glades. There 
they welcomed their friends and led joyous lives. Neither malice nor 
any other mortal sin was in their dwellings. . . . No one had mastery 
over the other; all lived in freedom; there was neither bailiff nor overseer. 
. . . Each brought his property to the others; when one had abundance, 
he said: "Take for yourselves." Never did any one wait to be asked; 
as soon as he saw a neighbor, he offered him of his substance. 



64 THE SPIRIT OP PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Lors fis je les chateaulx drechier, 
Charity toute despisier. 
Quant aucuns biens tollu avoient, 
En iceulx chateaulx les portoient. . . . 
Pour ce fi je faire chateaulx, 
Et les fosses, et les creneaulx; 
Et cilz trestous premier les firrent 
Qui les plus volentiers tollirent. . . . 
Et nulle autre oeuvre ne faisoient 
Fors que tollir la ou pooient. 
Ne firent nulle oeuvre de main 
Fors que tollir et soir et main. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 36919-36952) 50 

At last Renard confesses himself outdone by his apt followers 
and trembles for his "art." 

Tant mon art multiplieront 
Q'ung jour venrra que ilz cherront. 
Mon art en orgoeul perira; 
Bien scay que Dieu le destruira; 
Ades le m'a Raison convent. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 37027) 51 

A similar threat occurs in an earlier passage. The nobles, 
instigated by Renard, had approached King Lion with a 
modest proposal of economic justice. 

50 Then I established the order of knighthood, which now afflicts and 
injures the poor. ... I caused to be divided among the people farms and 
meadows, woods and streams; he had the most who was the strongest. 
. . . Then I made them erect castles, and despise all charity. When they 
had carried off any goods, they bore them into their castles. . . . For this 
reason I bade them construct castles and moats and crenelated walls; 
and those who were the most ready to plunder were the first to build 
strongholds. . . . And they did no other work except plundering wherever 
they could. They did no work with their hands except plundering both 
night and morning. 

51 They will extend my art so much that a day will come when they will 
fall by it. My art will perish in pride. Well I know that God will destroy 
it; Reason has warned me of it. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 65 

"Sire, nous avons accorde, . . . 
Que les povres foules seront, 
Bon tamps bien ne honneur n'avront, 
Fain et froit tousjours sera leur 
Et renomm£e de malheur. 
Et encoir le conseil est telz 
Que on leur toille leur chatelz, . . . 
Et tout adez iront chargies, 
Mai peiiz et souvent tenchies, 
Et seront les der rains ouys, 
Chier tamps, neisge, froit et gellee 
Leur cherra tout sur Feschinee; 
En ost, en guerre mis devant, 
En festez boutez laidement; . . . 
Les riche au contraire seront 
Pris et honneur tousjours aront; . . . 
Leurs choses seront bien gardees 
Et leurs maisnies deportees; 
Vins avront, viandes, chevaulx; 
Tout seront leur, et mons et vaulx." 

(Renart le Contrefait, 627-674) 52 

King Lion had readily acquiesced. The injustice is of ancient 
date, comments the author, and Renard's power of long stand- 
ing, yet the end is all but in sight, for men are beginning to 
bring Reason to the settlement of social problems, and neither 
Force nor Cunning is a match for that antagonist. 

52 "Sire, we have agreed that the poor shall be trampled under foot; 
they shall have neither pleasure, property nor honor; hunger and cold 
shall always be their portion and proverbial ill-luck. And moreover our 
counsel is that their chattels be taken from them, that they shall hence- 
forth be heavily laden, ill nourished, often insulted, and last listened to. 
Hard times, snow, cold and frost shall fall upon their backs; in the army, 
in war, pushed to the front, in feasts they shall be shoved contemptously 
aside. ... The rich shall be just the reverse; they shall always have esteem 
and honor. . . . Their property shall be well guarded and their households 
delightful; wines they shall have, meats, horses; all shall be theirs, both 
mountain and valley." 



66 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Mais quant Raison veult assaillir 
Renard, bien tost le fait faillir: 
Devant Raison durer ne peut. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 719) K 

In support of their radical sociology, Jean de Meung and 
Matheolus had also been led to attach great importance to the 
appeal to reason rather than to authority and usage in the 
decision of disputed matters. Their phraseology and sym- 
bolism are antiquated, but the principle of their work is essen- 
tially modern. 

The Roman de Renart is, however, more revolutionary than 
any other work of the period, and more violent in its denun- 
ciation of the high-born. An interesting episode is Renard's 
meeting with the Vilain who is about to seek an end to his 
wretchedness in death. The peasant's tale is told with a 
directness and realism that show the author's interest in the 
victim of feudal tyranny. 

"Vilain suis je, nomme tu m'as, 

Et par mon droit nom m'apelas. 

Vilain suis je, c'est mon accord, 

Car vouldroie bien estre mort; 

Car je suis jusques la sailli 

Que tous mes biens me sont failli, 

Et toutes honneurs, et tous pris, 

Que de long temps avoie apris. . . . 

Mais de doleur ay plain le corps, 

Si que je vouldroie estre mors. 

Je ne voy mais arrier n'avant, 

Tant ay a mon coeur doleur grant." . . . 

Je souloye estre bien eureux 

Et de trestous biens plentureux, . . . 

Et m'a dure* bien soixante ans. . . . 

Or suis sur la fin de mon temps, 

Que me deiisse reposer. . . . 

53 But when Reason undertakes to assail Renard, right soon she over- 
comes him; before Reason he can not hold out. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 67 

Or m'a mon seigneur envahy, 
Et si durement enhay 
Que il a prins quanquez j'avoye, . . . 
Ne scay ou mon vivre soit pris. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 22675-22853) M 

Renard, on this occasion, declares for the common man. Per- 
haps it is his fear of approaching death that has led him to 
renounce his old-time alliance with the nobles he now con- 
demns. A man is not, he maintains a "vilain" except as his 
misconduct makes him one; nor is one a gentleman by virtue 
of his gilded spurs, his falcons, and his greyhounds. 

De meilleurs coeurs a soubz bureaux 

Et dessoubz fourrures d'aigneaux 

Qu'il n'a soubz vairs et soubz ermines. . . . 

Qui le coeur a loial et fin, 

II est gentil, ce est la fin. 

Des malvais gentilz sont les guerres 

Et les dissencions es terres, 

Les orphelins, les povretes, 

Toutes malvaises euretes, 

Ly orgoeul et la symonie, 

Trestous despis et toute envye. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 22711-22751) 55 

54 "'Vilain' I am; you have named me, and called me by my right 
name. I am a 'vilain,' I grant it, for I should gladly die, since I have 
reached such a condition that all my property is gone, and all my honors 
and all the esteem that I had been of a long time acquiring. . . . But my 
body is full of pain, so that I should gladly die. I see nothing behind or 
before, so great is the grief at my heart. ... I was once very happy and 
well supplied with every good thing. . . . Now I have completed full 
sixty years, and I am nearing the end of my life when I ought to rest. . . . 
But now my lord has seized my possessions and treated me so cruelly that 
he has taken from me everything I had; ... I do not know where I 
can get my living. 

65 There are better hearts under fustian and under sheep's skins than 
there are under vair and ermine. . . . 

If a man has a faithful and refined nature, he is "noble," that is the 
end of the matter. From wicked nobles come wars and dissensions about 



68 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Renard, indeed, classes the nobility with beasts of prey as 
disturbers of society. 

Se gentilz horns mais n'engenroit, 
Ne jamais louve ne portoit, 
Et grant cheval ne fust jamais, 
Tout le monde vivroit en paix. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 22705-22722) 56 

When death threatens, Renard is distracted by the con- 
flicting advice of Fear, menacing him with the torments of Hell 
if he die impenitent, and of Nature, urging him to continue in 
the path of pleasure. When Reason comes to the aid of Fear, 
Renard succumbs. He makes confession to a hermit, and a 
more extraordinary confession there never was. Renard 
admits that his boasted "art" was little better than thievery. 
He has followed all of the honored professions and some of the 
disreputable trades, but as he unfolds the principles of these 
callings, they seem strangely alike. For the crimes he has 
committed against the humble in his capacity of lawyer, of 
doctor, of courtier, of cleric, of tavern-keeper, of usurer, he 
asks absolution. But he cannot regret the thefts he has prac- 
ticed upon the nobles and the churchmen, who despise the 
peasants and oppress the weak. 

Sur tout cil qui gentieulx se tient 
Ay prins, et prens, et prenderay; . . . 
Ilz ostent sans recompenser 
Quancques bons poeuent amasser; 
Tailles, corv£es, formariages, 
Mainsmortes, dismes, et usages; . . . 
Aultres gens ne voeulx desrober, 
Fors ces deux en tous tempz lober, 
Les gentilz gens et gens d'Eglise; 
La est toute m' entente mise. 

estates, orphanhood, poverty, every kind of bad fortune, pride and simony, 
every sort of spite and envy. 

56 If nobleman never begot sons, and wolf never brought forth a brood, 
if there were never a high horse, all the world would live in peace. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 69 

Trestous estrangler les volroie, 
Ja conscience n'en feroie, 
Et pour ce especialment 
Que nous scavons certainement 
Qu'ilz haient trestous laboureurs 
Et bons preudommes et gaigneurz, 
Et les apellent leurs vilains. . . . 
Les bons guaigneurz sont les brebis 
Qui se devestent sans mentir 
Pour tous leurs maistres revestir; 
Les bons gaigneurz font les froumens, 
Mais ja n'en macheront des dens; 
Ilz n'en ont que les escoussures, 
Et des bons vins les aigoutures, 
Des bones laines les tissus. 
Toute le goute et tout le miex 
Ont les gentilz et le clergie. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 25472-25525) 67 

Many a poor fellow that goes to death on the gallows for a 
petty theft is, Renard maintains, a truer man than this fine 
gentry. This contention and the evident understanding of the 
vagrant's life, shown by Rutebeuf, Jean de Meung and this 
author of Renart suggest how close at times must have been the 
connection between the needy scholar and the jetsam of city 
life. The last writer is especially inclined to regard leniently 
the night adventurer, pardoning the irregularities of his con- 

57 From all those who call themselves noble, 1 have stolen, and I steal, 
and I shall steal. . . . They take without recompense whatever they can 
collect: taxes, forced labor, marriage-taxes, mortmain, tithes and customs; 
I will not rob other classes, but always I will rob these two, the gentry 
and the clergy. My whole mind is set upon that. I should be glad to 
strangle them all, : — my conscience would never prick me for it, — espe- 
cially because we know with certainty that they hate all laborers, honest 
men and wage-earners, and they call such their serfs. . . . Good laborers 
are the sheep that divest themselves to clothe their masters; good laborers 
grow the grain, but never shall they grind any of it with their teeth. They 
have only the chaff and the dregs of the good wines; the gentry and the 
clergy have the essence and the best part. 



70 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

duct because of his courage, his generosity, his gayety; his 
quarrel with the standards of society is irreconcilable. When 
Renard has stolen the fat purse of a hated noble, he makes 
merry with these boon companions. 

Quant j'ay fait une telle gaigne; 

Lyez et joyeulx je m'en deporte, 

Et aulx bons compagnons l'aporte 

Qui ne scevent de jour aller 

Fors que de nuit pour desrober. . . . 

Et par ces abbayes coeurent, 

Par tavernes, par ces celliers, 

Par ces chanbres, par ces greniers. 

S'ilz avoient d'or plain grenier, 

L/endemain n'en scevent denier; 

Plus tost sont chault, plus tost sont froit; 

Or sont larges, or sont estroit; 

Or ont vestu la robe grise, 

Et 1'endemain sont en chemise. . . . 

Telz compagnons doit on amer; 

Mais on doit clerc jetter en mer. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 25534-25566) 58 

The perplexed confessor manifests considerable interest in 
the tale of this interesting penitent, but at the close refuses 
absolution and prescribes a pilgrimage to Rome. Various ad- 
ventures are recounted to lure the reader along through the 
diatribes against society and the displays of erudition, which 
are the gist of the book. On one occasion another priest, who 
wishes to redeem Renard, asks whether he has not done some 

68 When I have stolen a treasure-hoard, I go off with it joyous and light- 
hearted, and I bring it to my good comrades, who dare not show them- 
selves by day, but creep forth at night to steal, . . . and they haste to the 
abbeys and the taverns, to the cellars, the chambers, the granaries. If 
they had today a chamber of gold, tomorrow they could not account for 
a sou. Now they are warm, now they are cold; now they spend lavishly, 
now they are hard beset; now they are clothed in fur, now they have 
only their shirts. . . . Such comrades one ought to love, but one ought 
to throw the priests into the sea. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 71 

meritorious action. The list of good deeds enumerated by 
Renard is a stinging indictment of society. Renard's "art" 
is seen in the pride and greed of the great lords, in the burdens 
imposed upon the poor, in the taxes of inheritance and of 
marriage, in the tithes, the days of forced labor on the roads 
and on the lord's estate, in the exactions of usurers and in the 
benevolences for the church. Such statements of the laborer's 
grievances are not unusual in medieval literature, but the de- 
ductions drawn by the author of Renard are revolutionary as 
in no other work of the period; Renard sneers that the peas- 
ants are, after all, a mean-spirited set, that they suffer all these 
indignities and do not revolt (11. 36827-38222). 

Mais d'une chose esbahis suis 

Que tant grever je ne les [les vilains] puis 

Que ilz ne les pes seigneurz]] voeullent amer, 

S'ilz leur faisoient le coeur crever 

Et chascun jour les trainaissent, 

Que les vilains ne les airaaissent, 

Les criemment et leur portent honneur, 

Et les appellent: "Monseigneur !" . . . 

Ne ne s'endurent a bien faire, 

Aincois vivent moult povrement, 

Vestent, chaussent moult povrement; 

Du tout se voeullent abaissier 

Pour leurs seigneurz leurs biens laissier, . . . 

Et les meschans vilains les suient, 

Honneurent et font honnourer 

Ceulx qui les voeullent ahonter. 

Doit on bien hair telz vilains . . . 

Et croy se les dens leur traioient 

Que les vilains les aimeroient. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 38159-38188) 59 

59 I am amazed at one thing, that I can not afflict the peasants so much 
that they do not love their lords. If the latter should break their hearts 
and every day degrade them, still the peasants would love them. They 
fear them, show them respect and call them: "My lord." They dare 
not treat themselves well; instead they live very poorly, they dress poorly, 



72 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

An apparently innocent tale of a cat's climbing a tree to 
escape a party of young squires takes on political significance 
by the cat's menace to her tormentors : 

"Dant escuier, 
Veoir vous puisse ge essuier, 
Que tantes foiz m'avez pene, 
Souvant batu, po bien donne, 
Antre vous qui vivez de proie ! . . . 
Vous fetes tant, gros et menu, 
Que vous estes po chier tenu, 
Et si ne peut demourer gaire 
Que vous n'aiez tuit trop a faire, 
Car li peuples vous ha'ira, 
Et puis si vous anva'ira 
Pour l'orguel que vous demenez, 
Et de plus an plus vous penez. 

(A Version, 196 d) 60 

The impression made by the mass of literature dealing with 
social relations is depressing in the extreme. The misery 
pictured by Rutebeuf appears to have been the common lot. 
To judge by the testimony of these writings, the rapacity of 
the great was unchecked, the distress of the poor without hope. 
Political rights were withheld from the people, who were, 
nevertheless forced to bear the political burdens. The wars of 
ambitious kings, the quarrels of the nobles, the splendor of 

they go poorly shod; they desire to be wretched in every respect in order 
to leave their property to their lords. . . . And the contemptible peasants 
follow them, honor them — honor those who intend to dishonor them. 
One ought to hate such wretches. ... I even believe that if the lords 
should tear out their teeth, the peasants would still love them. 

60 My young lords, may I see you hard-pressed because you have so 
often injured me, so often struck me, given me so little, you who live by 
preying upon others! . . . Great and small, you oppress the people griev- 
ously so that they have little affection for you, and it cannot be long 
before you will have quite enough to keep you busy, for the people hate 
you, and then they will attack you on account of the pride that you show, 
and the increasing burdens you inflict. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE SOCIAL ORDER 73 

feudal courts were paid for in blood and treasure by the peas- 
ants, who were, however, powerless to affect in any degree the 
policy that consigned them to ruin. What wonder if the Her- 
mit mourns that Charity has vanished from the earth? what 
marvel if, as Gautier and Matheolus record, the peasants re- 
jected the faith because the bitterness of their own lives had 
made them incredulous of finding justice anywhere in the exist- 
ing sorry scheme of things? 

Two remedies offered for the evils of the times will have been 
noted. The first was that of Etienne, Guillaume and most 
clerics: the conversion of the ruler to a sense of his duty. 
The second remedy was the uprising of the oppressed, as 
described by Wace, feared by Philippe de Novare, and recom- 
mended in Renart le Contrefait. Likewise of revolutionary 
tendency was the rationalistic thinking of Jean de Meung and 
his imitators, reducing, as it did, the whole system of govern- 
ment and the gradations of society to a successful combination 
of trickery and violence. 

Today the obvious criticism of the first policy is that the 
people's welfare is safer in its own hands than entrusted to the 
most benevolent despot; of the second, that revolution, undi- 
rected by constructive statemanship, cannot do more than 
transfer power from one group to another. The chief hope of 
progress in this medieval literature is then in the discontent, 
keenly felt and boldly expressed. 



CHAPTER II 

PROTEST AGAINST THE DOMINATION OF THE CHURCH 

The citations of the preceding chapter show that thoughtful 
men of medieval France by no means acquiesced in the exist- 
ing social order as the best possible. This chapter will be 
devoted to the views of these medieval authors on moral and 
intellectual questions. Discussion of such matters often in- 
volved criticism of the Church, for, unlike our modern institu- 
tion, the medieval Church assumed leadership, not only in 
theology and ethics, but in philosophy, science and politics. 

This position it could maintain because all instruction was 
given in church schools and practically all scholars were church- 
men. Since as an unfortunate consequence of this manifold 
domination of the Church, all kinds of matters got tangled up 
with the exercise of religious functions, revolt against eccle- 
siastical supremacy took many forms: 

Strictures on the corruption of the clergy, 

Protest against the usurpation by the Church of temporal 

power, 
Rejection of certain articles of faith, 
Substitution of reason for authority as a criterion of belief, 
Reaction against asceticism. 
To say that the medieval Church was disposed to repress 
all such independent thinking without discrimination is to 
attach to it no special blame. Its attitude was a necessary 
consequence of its inheritance. In the Celtic and Teutonic 
faiths religion had meant piety, the propitiation of ancestors 
and gods, that in return harvests might be plentiful and flocks 
increase. Ethics, the relation of man to man, was quite a 
different matter. The Roman state-religion was a late stage 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 75 

of this ritualistic religion, and characterized by minute atten- 
tion to ceremonies and a punctilious remembrance of the dead 
and of national deities. 

Christianity, however, had been a development from the 
prophetic rather than from the priestly teaching of Judaism. 
As the Hebrew prophets had ascribed to conduct the religious 
significance of a service well pleasing to a righteous God, so 
the New Testament writers had preached a gospel of equity 
and brotherly love: 

To obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the 

blood of rams. 
Pure religion and undefiled before God and the Father is 
this, to visit the fatherless and widows in their affliction 
and to keep himself unspotted from the world. 
When, however, Christianity became a world-religion, it in- 
evitably was modified by its impact with the Roman system, 
and later with Celtic and Teutonic tradition. It is not strange 
then that, although morality was still held to be inseparably 
bound up with piety, the ritualistic element should develop 
and that obedience should be held more important than right 
living. Excommunication, consequently, was directed not 
against great sinners, but against rebels to ecclesiastical au- 
thority: the Inquisition was instituted, the Albigensian Cru- 
sade was preached, in order to maintain the supremacy of the 
Church. 

Although, however, it may be regarded as inevitable that a 
church almost in its militant stage should exhibit hostility 
towards all innovation, it must yet be recognized that, along 
with the wildest vagaries, one finds in the rubbish-heap of 
" heresies" much of the deepest, most fruitful thinking of the 
time. 

Certain heresies, lacking their singer, did not find their way 
into literature. For these the historian must account. We 
know, for example, that Peter Waldo of Lyons, the leader of 
the Waldenses, held as superstitious the use of holy water, 
images and relics, and condemned fasting and the granting of 



76 THE SPIEIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

indulgences. But, if the movement produced any literature, 
it perished with the victims of the Inquisition. We learn the 
beliefs of these early reformers only from the chronicles of their 
enemies. 

In regard to the evil doings of the clergy, however, the 
Church was less fortunate in escaping satiric pens. Jongleurs, 
clerics, priests even, denounced in no measured terms the ve- 
nality and self seeking of the consecrated servants of religion. 
Although the present study is in no wise a history of morals, 
and still less an attack on the Church, it is necessary to intro- 
duce here many long citations to show how erroneous is the 
popular opinion of the Middle Ages as an epoch of uncritical 
submission to the dicta of the Church. These centuries count 
rather as a period in which spiritual emancipation makes great 
advance. Out of the evil of the times comes this good: the 
release of the intellect from subjection to ecclesiastical direction. 

The following quotations are arranged in approximately 
chronological order. The earliest cited is from the Livre des 
manieres. Since Etienne de Fougeres was himself a church- 
man of high dignity, holding successively the offices of chaplain 
to Henry II of England, and of bishop of Rennes, the evidence 
is the less open to dispute. Dark as was the picture he drew of 
the manners of the laity in his day, he made a yet blacker 
presentment of clerical indulgence. He spoke his mind without 
fear or favor, not sparing in his denunciation the highest 
ecclesiastics. 

Pasteiement et beverie 
Cest lor deduit par lecherie; 
Tuit sont torne" a tricherie, 
Moult aurunt male escherie. . . . 

II escommigent avoltire, 
Mes il i chient tot a tie; . . . 

Lor soignanz peissent, lor mestriz 
Del patremoine au crucefiz 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 77 

Et lor effanconez petiz 

Des trenteus qu'il n'ont deserviz. . . . 

Bien sevent prendre et estoier 

Que par tolte, que par loier; 

Lor funt cil le borses voier 

Que au plus menant deit ennoier. . . . 

Ja ne pout Fen ci cest jor creire 
Ne clerc ne moine ne proveire. . . . 

II sunt peire que li paien. 

Sor l'evesque est la cope meire 
Qui a eels sofre ice a feire, 
Qu'a De n'a home ne deit pleire, 
Et prent loier por ice teire. 

Noalz est des iglises vendre; 

Nes dorra, s'il n'i quide prendre. . . . 

Escience n'i vaut ne leitre, 
Ne bien feire, ne mal demestre; 
Si en iglise te velz meitre, 
Prente au doner, lei le premeitre. 

(Livre des manieres, St. 49-67) * 

1 Feasting and drinking to excess are their delights; they are false to their 
vows. They shall receive an evil recompense. They excommunicate the 
adulterer, but fall into his sin, one and all. . . . They support their mis- 
tresses on the revenues of the crucifix, and their children by trentals which 
they have not sung. . . . They know well how to get and keep, both by 
imposts and rents: they make men empty their purses until the richest 
feel the burden. No one today can trust cleric or monk or priest. . . . 
They are worse than pagans. . . . The blame is greater for the bishop 
who suffers his underlings to act in such fashion; for he ought to please 
God, and not man, but he does accept bribes to be silent. It is a mortal 
sin to sell church benefices, but the bishop will make no appointment 
except in the hope of gain for himself. . . . Knowledge and learning avail 
nothing [towards promotion in the church]; doing good and shunning 
evil, as little. If you wish to be a master in the church, give freely, promise 
lavishly. 



78 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The true pastor should speak fearlessly in reprimanding 
vice, but his life must be of a measure with his precept: 

Mes gart que ce qu'il blame o boche 
Qu'i ne Padeist ne qu'il n'i toche, 
Quar qui feit ce qu'il blasme o boche, 
Asez trove qui li reproche. 

{Livre des manieres, st. 84) 2 

For the papal office Etienne professed reverence, but he 
dared to pass over in contemptuous silence a signal opportunity 
for extolling the merits of the reigning pope. He would not 
bend his stern spirit to win advancement by flattery. When 
in his survey of the clergy he came to speak of the head of 
the Church, he wrote seven cold lines: 

Neviuge Dex, ne ne pout estre, 
Que cil qui est sovrein prestre, 
Qui n'a sor sei nule autre mestre 
Ne mes Jhesum le rei celestre 

Qui vest le roge pluvial, 
Et porte ceptre enperial, 
Qu'il face chose desleial. 

(Livre des manieres, st. 125, 126) 3 

Writing twenty years later, the monk Helinant made his 
attack directly upon the papal circle. Although he too omitted 
from express censure the sovereign pontiff, he denounced so 
fearlessly the presumptive aspirants for the high dignity that 
the omission may be ascribed to deference for the office. No 
timid man penned the following passages: 

2 Let him give heed that what he condemns with his lips he does not 
approach or touch, for he who does what he condemns finds many to 
blame him. 

3 God forbid — and indeed it cannot be — that he who is supreme 
priest, who has over him no other master except Jesus the celestial King, 
who wears the bishop's robe and bears the imperial sceptre, should do an 
unworthy action. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 79 

Morz, . . . 

Va moi saluer la grant Romme, 
Qui de rongier a droit se nomme, 
Car les os ronge et cuir poile, 
Et fait a simoniaus voile 
De chardonal et d'apostoile. 

Morz, fai enseler tes chevaus 

Por sus metre les chardonaus, 

Qui luisent comme mort charbon 

Por la clarte qu'il ont en aus: 

Di lor que mout ies dure a caus 

Qui plus aerdent que chardon 

A bel present et a grant don 

Et por ce ont chardonal non. 

Romme emploie maint denier f aus . . . 

Et si sorargente le plon 

Qu'en ne conoist les bons des maus. 

(Vers de la mort, st. 13, 14) 4 

Writing with his usual well balanced judgment, Guillaume 
le Clerc was careful to extol the virtues of some of the clergy. 
But too many, he thought, were false shepherds, such as "creep, 
and intrude, and climb into the fold." Let each pastor remem- 
ber, he admonishes, that he must answer with his own life for 
his sheep. No plainer or bolder rebuke of evil could be found 
in a twentieth century pamphlet. 

Mais jeo vei clers qui riche sont, 
Qui granz rentes e beles ont, 
Qui en malves us les despendent 
E qui a deu petit en rendent. 

4 Death, go salute for me great Rome. Well may she derive her name 
from rongier [gnaw} for she gnaws bones and plucks skin and veils the 
simony of cardinal and pope. . . . Death, order thy horses saddled to 
mount the cardinals, who shine like dead coals in respect to the brilliancy 
they give forth: tell them that thou art hard to those who stick closer 
than burrs [chardon] to rich present and costly gift, and for that reason 
have the name of cardinal [chardonal]. Rome circulates many false coins, 
and silvers over the lead so that one cannot tell the good from the bad. 



80 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

E quant aucun est tant hauce 
Par symonie oil par pecche 
Qu'il a un evesche en garde, 
Tantost vers les deners esgarde. 
Maintenant aune tresor 
E comence a coillir estor. . . . 
E se il n'est entre par Fus 
En la faude entre ses brebis, 
Comme lerres serra honiz. 
Tost en avra vint mile en bailie: 
Mes gard bien que une n'en faille ! 

(Besant de Dieu, 593) 

E quant il ot la grant richece, 
Les rentes de la haute iglise, 
Dom il deust a ma devise 
Le plus por amur deu partir 
E le mains a sei retenir, 
De trestut ceo ne fist il rien: 
Ainz fu plus aveir que un chien. 
Qui un grant os a en sa gole. . . . 
Poi dona e poi despendi. 

(Besant de Dieu, 630-639) 

Icest dolent que respondra 
Quant le somoneor vendra 
Al daerain jor de juise, 
Qui a les biens de sainte iglise 
E les besanz deu enfoiz? 

(Besant de Dieu, 657-661) 

Arcediacres e diens . . . 
Qui consentent les avoltires, 
Les causes jugent e terminent 
E as loiers prendre s'enclinent, 
Les fornicacions cunsentent, . . . 
Justise vendent e dreiture; 
Mult en avront cil chere cure. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 81 

E les persones que feront 

Qui les riches iglises ont 

Treis ou quatre en une province, 

Que dirront il devant le prince? 

Qui lor femmes avront peues 

Des granz rentes qu'il ont eues, 

E marie filles e fiz 

Del patrimoine au crucefiz? 

E les prestres parroissez, 

Qui au prendre sont tut dis prez, 

Qui les confessions receivent 

Des doloros que il deceivent, 

E lor enjoingnent les anuels, 

E des messes e des trentels, . . . 

Et puis apres rien ne feront. 

(Besant de Dieu, 673-700) 5 



5 But I see priests who are rich, who have large incomes, but who spend 
them in evil ways and give little to God. And when a priest has risen so 
high through simony or sin that he has a bishopric in charge, immediately 
he thinks of a fortune. He heaps up treasure and begins to amass wealth, 
but if he has not entered by the door into the fold among the sheep, as a 
thief he shall be dishonored. Soon he shall have twenty thousand souls 
in his care, but let him see to it that he does not lose a single one. . . . 
And when he had great riches, the revenues of the holy church, the greater 
part of which, as I think, he ought to have dispensed for the love of God 
and to have kept the smaller share for himself, he did nothing of the 
kind. Instead he was more greedy than a dog that has in his mouth a 
big bone: . . . little he gave, little he distributed. What shall this wretch 
answer when the Judge shall come at the last day, the priest who has 
buried the treasures of holy church and the talents of God? . . . Arch- 
deacons and deacons, . . . who permit adultery, who in delivering judg- 
ment stoop to take bribes, who consent to fornication, . . . who sell 
justice, these will be in very hard case; and those who have rich churches, 
three or four in a province, what will they do, what will they say before 
the Prince? They who have supported their mistresses on the great 
revenues of the church, and portioned their daughters and sons on the 
property of the Crucifix? And what will the parish priests say, those 
who are always ready to take money and receive confessions from the 
unhappy persons that they deceive by enjoining upon them masses, an- 
nuals and trentals, but then do not celebrate the offices. 



82 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The Church is like a ship in a storm. The helmsman is true, 
but beset by evil counselors. 

Obeir devon a saint pere. . . . 
Mes il i a tant d'une gent 
Coveitose d'or e d'argent 
Qu'il font la nef croistre e branler 
E hors de dreite veir aler. 
Cil qui plus pres del mestre sont, . . . 
Cil aiment trop roges deners. ... 
Jeo m'esmerveil, jeol vus afi, 
Mult durement que nostre mestre 
Soefre en la nef tele gent estre . . . 
Par quei li diables i entre . . . 
E la fait por poi afondrer. 

(Besantde Dieu, 2270-2306) 

Plus millers que nus ne puet dire 

A en la nef qui mal en dient 

E qui tut plainement s'escrient, 

Que del chief vient la coveitise, 

Qui a tute la nef malmise, 

Car quant cil qui la nef governe, . . . 

Est de tele gent avirone, . . . 

Coment se porra il por rien 

De lor venim garder si ben 

Qu'il n'en sente aucune estencele? . . . 

Mes eels qui li sont environ, 

Cardenals, legaz e provoz, . . . 

Plus que autres coveitos sont. 

(Besant de Dieu, 2322-2369) 

E por ceo semble que la nef 
N'a mie biau tens ne suef. 
Jeo vei les torbotes lever, 
De tutes parz parmi la mer 
Les torbotes levees sont. 
Car jeo vei ui par tut le mont 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 83 

Comencer guerres e contenz 
E gent drescier encontre genz. 
Jeo vei pestilences e faims. 

(Besant de Dieu, 2425-2433) 6 

In a passage cited before (p. 21), we have seen Guillaume 
exposing beneath the cloak of religious zeal greed for the 
goodly possessions of heretics. In the death of Louis VIII 
(1226), he had seen the hand of God, striking down the monarch 
in the midst of his ill-gotten gain. He returns to the subject 
again towards the end of his book, this time laying the chief 
blame for the atrocities of the Albigensian Crusade directly 
to the account of Rome, the instigator of this unholy and un- 
brotherly war.* 

Rome ne deit pas, ceo m'est [a]vis, 
Se un de ses fiz ad mespris 
E voille faire adrescement, 
Enveier sus lui erraument 
Son greinor fiz por lui confondre. 
Mult le deust anceis somondre, 
E blandir et amonester 
Que faire son regne gaster. 

6 We ought to obey the Holy Father . . . but there are so many of 
the clergy covetous of gold and silver, that they make the ship creak and 
shake and depart from the right course. Those who are nearest the 
Master . . . love too much the red coin. I marvel greatly, I assure you, 
that our Master suffers such people to be in the ship. Through such men 
the Devil enters and all but causes the ship to founder. There are more 
thousands in the ship than one could count, who speak ill of it, and who 
cry out plainly that the blame of covetousness rests upon the head be- 
cause he misdirects the ship, for if the master of the ship is surrounded 
by evil men, how can he possibly guard himself from their venom so care- 
fully that he may receive no trace of it? But those who are about him, 
cardinals, legates, priests, are more covetous than the others. . . . There- 
fore it seems that the ship enjoys no mild, pleasant weather; I see storms 
sweeping up from over the sea from all quarters. For I see today through- 
out the world wars beginning and strife and people rising against people. 
I see pestilence and famine. 



84 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Quant Franceis vont sor Tolosans, 

Qu'il tienent a popelicans, 

E la legacie Romaine 

Les i conduit e les i maine, 

N'est mie bien, ceo m'est avis. 

(Besant de Dieu, 2387-2400) 7 

The Albigensian Crusade, indeed, must have caused many a 
thoughtful observer to ponder the wisdom of alliance between 
Church and State. As the protector of the schismatics, Count 
Raymond of Toulouse, was also a generous patron of trouba- 
dours, he counted many a skilful pen, as well as ready sword, 
enlisted in his service, although neither wit nor valor availed 
to save the day. The Provencal poets even carried the war into 
the enemy's country by attacking the presumption of a church, 
itself mercenary and corrupt, yet assuming the right to dictate 
in spiritual questions. One of the boldest of these troubadours 
was Peire Cardinal. Of high birth and great talents, educated 
for the church, he chose stern themes for his song. "On the 
day that I was born," he writes, "the part allotted to me in life 
was to love the good, and to hate injustice." "I suffer more 
than if I wore haircloth round my body, when I see wrong done 
to any one." He found a subject suited to his grim mood in 
the rapacity of the clergy. 

Li clerc si fon pastor 
E son aucizedor 
E semblan de sanctor; 
Quan los vey revestir, 
E pren m'a sovenir 
D'en Alegri q'un dia 
Vole ad un pare venir, 

7 When one of her sons has done wrong but is willing to make repara- 
tion, Rome ought not, I think, to send against him her older son to destroy 
him. It would be far better for her to summon him and talk gently with 
him and admonish him than to order his lands laid waste. When the 
French attack the people of Toulouse, whom they regard as heretics, and 
the Roman legates lead them, that, methinks, is not right at all. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 85 

Mas, pels cas que temia, 
Pelh de moton vestic, 
Ab que los escarnic; 
Pueys manjet e trahic 
Selhas que l'abellio. 

Rey et emperador, 

Due, comte e comtor, 

E cavallier ab lor 

Solon lo mon regir; 

Aras vey possezir 

A elerex la senhoria. . . . 

E tenon s'a fastic 

Qui tot non lor o gic, 

Et er fag quan que trie. . . . 

Dels fals clergues o die, 
Qu'anc mais tant enemic 
leu a Dieu non auzic 
De sai lo temps antic. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, 343) 8 

Qui volra sirventes auzir, 
Tescut d'enueitz, d'antas mesclat, 
A mi'l deman, qu'ieu l'ai mat, 
E sai lo teisser et ordir. . . . 

8 The clergy make themselves out to be shepherds and they are butch- 
ers; and they put on the semblance of saints. When I see them clothe 
themselves in their priestly garments, I am reminded of Sir Isengrim, who 
one day wished to enter a sheep-fold, but for fear of the dogs, wrapped a 
sheep's skin about him. By this means he deceived the sheep, and so 
seized and devoured such as he pleased. Kings, emperors, dukes, counts, 
nobles, and knights with them, used to rule the world; now I see the chief 
authority possessed by the clergy; and they are indignant at any one who 
does not give his all to them; and it will be done, however long it is delayed. 
... I speak of the false clergy, for never since the bad days of old have 
I heard of such enemies to God. 



86 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Dels deslials clergues me mir 

Que an tot Ferguelh amassat 

E Pengan e la cobeitat, 

Que horn mais elhs no sap trahir; 

E fan soven perdos venir, 

Per aver so que ns es restat, 

Et aquo lor es ben gardat, 

Que horn ni Dieus non pot jauzir. 

Mas elh auran tot, quan que tir, 
Pus res non lor es amparat; 
Qu'els no temon Dieu ni peccat, 
Ni lunh lag estar far ni dir, 
Sol las terras puescan chaupir; 
Qui s vuelha n'aia Puelh moilhat, 
Que non an de re pietat 
Mas de lor ventre adumplir. 

E d'aquo no'ls pot horn partir. 
Qu'aissi com son plus aut prelat 
An mens de fe e de vertat, 
E mais d'engan e de mentir; 
E mens en pot horn de ben dir, 
E mais hi a de falsetat, 
E mens hi trob' om d'amistat, 
E mais fan de mais us issir. . . . 

Ab raubar gleizas e'nvazir, 
Et ab enguans son fals clergat, 
Senhor del mon, e sotzplantat 
Sotz els sels que degran regir. 

(Raynouard, Lexique roman, i, 446) 9 

9 Who will hear a sirventes woven of grief, broidered with anger? Let 
him ask me for it for I have spun it, and I can weave it. ... I marvel 
at the faithless priests who have amassed pride and deceit and covetous- 
ness so that in comparison with them no one knows aught of the art of 
fraud; and they issue pardons often to get what remains to us, and their 
possessions are well guarded so that neither God nor man can enjoy them. 
But they will have everything, however I object, since nothing is safe 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 87 

Ben volon obediensa 

Selhs de la clercia; 
E volon ben la crezensa, 
Sol Fobra no y sia: 
Greu lur veyretz far falhensa 

Mas la nueg e'l dia; 
E no porton malvolensa 
Ni fan symonia; 
E son larc donador 
E just amassador; 
Mas li autres n'an lauzor, 
E ilh la folhia. 
No sai dire Terror 
Del segle fals traytor, 
Que fai de blasme lauzor 
E de sen folhia. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, p. 340) 10 

Tartarassa ni voutor 
No sent plus leu earn puden 
Com clerc e prezicador 
Senton ont es lo manen; 



from them; for they fear not God or sin, or the saying or doing anything 
base by which they can acquire lands. Let him who wishes weep thereat 
for they care for nothing except filling their stomachs. And no one could 
cure them of this baseness so that the more powerful the prelates become, 
the less they have of faith and virtue, and the more of treachery and deceit; 
and the less of good one can say of them and the more of falsehood; and 
the less one finds of friendship and the more they set evil examples. . . . 
By plundering churches and invading their lands, and by trickery have 
the false clergy become masters of the world and trodden under their feet 
those who should govern them. 

10 The clergy desire our obedience and our confidence — provided no 
work is involved — ; hardly will you see them doing wrong — excepting 
night and day — ; and they bear no illwill to anyone and they do not 
practice simony, and they are generous givers and they take only what is 
just; — but other men receive praise for it, and they blame. I can not 
tell the error of the false and treacherous world, which calls the commend- 
able act blameworthy and the sensible act foolish. 



30 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Mantenen son siei privat, 
E quan malautia'l bat, 
Fan li far donatio 
Tal que'l paren no y an pro. 

Frances e clerc an lauzor 

De mal, quar ben lur en pren; . . . 

Qu'ab mentir et ab barat 

An si tot lo mon torbat, 

Que no y a religio 

Que no sapcha sa lesso. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, 357) u 

Ab totas mas vey clergues assajar 

Que totz lo mons er lurs, cuy que mal sia; 

Quar els Fauran ab tolre o ab dar, 

ab perdon, o ab ypocrizia, 

O ab asout, o ab beur', o ab manjar, 

ab prezicx, o ab peiras lansar, 

O els ab dieu, o els ab diablia. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, 337) 12 

The same poem contains the severest charge of all, his skil- 
fully feigned reluctance to disclose the whole truth: 

Non aus dire so qu'elhs auzon far. 13 

11 Kite and vulture do not scent rotting flesh more keenly than priests 
and friars smell out where the rich man dwells. At once they are his 
dear, dear friends so that when sickness comes upon him, they induce him 
to make them a gift so great that his own kin get nothing. Frenchmen 
and priests are lenient towards sin, because they derive advantage from 
it; . . . and by falsehood and deceit they have so disturbed the world 
that there is no religious order that has not learned its lesson. 

12 1 see the priesthood attempting to bring the world under their sway, 
no matter who opposes; and have it they will, by force or by gift, by 
granting pardons or by hypocrisy, by absolutions or by drinking and 
feasting, by prayers or by casting stones, by the help of God or the aid 
of the Devil. 

13 I do not dare to say what they dare to do. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 89 

Even Peire Vidal turned aside from his busy love-making to 
direct a venomed shaft against the clergy. 

Quar com an vout en tal pantays 
L'apostolis e'lh fals doctor 
Sancta gleiza, don dieus s'irays, 
Que tan son fol e peccador 
Per que l'eretge son levat; 
E quar ilh comenso'l peccat, 
Greu es qui als far en pogues. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, 105) 14 

One of the fiercest of these champions of a lost cause was 
Guilhem Figueira. The son of a tailor, it was his sense of out- 
rage that transformed him into a poet. The violence of his 
invective was unbounded: Rome is outwardly a lamb, but 
inwardly a ravening wolf and a crowned serpent. After taunt- 
ing Rome with the ineffectual conduct of the wars against the 
Saracens, he attacks the papal policy on the ground that it was 
inspired rather by greed for the wealth of southern France than 
by zeal for Christian union. Twenty-one successive strophes 
of the terrible indictment begin "Roma"; the name falls each 
time on the ear like the blow of a hammer. 

Roma, ben dessern 
Los mals qu'om ne pot dire, 

Quar faitz per esquern 
Dels crestias martire; 

Mas en qual cazern 
Trobatz qu'om dey' aucire, 

Roma, Is crestias? . . . 



14 For since the Pope and the false doctors have brought holy Church 
into distress, God is angered thereat, because they are so sinful and foolish 
that heretics have arisen; for when they set an example of sin, it is hard 
to find a common man who would act otherwise. 



90 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Roma, vers es plas 
Que trop etz angoissoza 

Dels prezicx trefas 
Que faitz sobre Toloza; 

Lag rozetz [?] las mas 
A ley de cer rabioza 

Als paucs et als grans: 

Mas si'l corns prezans 

Viu encar dos ans, 
Fransa n'er doloirosa 

Dels vostres enjans. 

Roma, tant es grans 
La vostra forfaitura, 

Que dieus e sos sans 
En gitatz a non cura, 

Tant etz mal renhans, 
Roma falsa e tafura; 

Per qu'en vos s'escon 

E's baissa e s cofon 

L'enguan d'aquest mon, 
Tant faitz gran desmezura 

Al comte Ramon. . . . 

Roma, per aver 
Faitz manta fellonia, 

E mant desplazer, 
E manta vilania; 

Tan voletz aver 
Del mon la senhoria, 

Que res non temetz 

Dieu ni sos devetz, 

Ane vei que f airetz 
Mais qu'ieu dir non poiria 

De mal per un detz. . . . 

Rom', ab fals sembelh 
Tendetz vostra tezura, 

E man mal morselh 
Manjatz, qui que Fendura; 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 91 

Car' avetz d'anhelh 
Ab simpla guardadura, 

Dedins lop rabat, 

Serpent coronat 

De vibra engenrat, 
Per qu'el diable us apella 

Com al sieu privat. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, 312) 15 

No'm laissarai per paor 

C'un sirventes non labor 

En servizi dels fals clergatz; 

E quant sera laboratz, 

Conoisseran li plusor 

L'engan e la fellonia 

Que mov de falsa clerzia; 
Que lai on an mais forsa ni poder 
Fan plus de mal e plus de desplazer. . . . 

Vers es que notre pastor 
Son tornat lop raubador; 
Qu'il rauban deves totz latz, 
E mostran semblan de patz, 

15 Rome, I see clearly the evils that may not be spoken of; for in mock- 
ery you bring Christians to martyrdom. But in what book do you find 
that Christians should be put to death? . . . Rome, just is the event that 
you are sad because of the evil preaching which you deliver against 
Toulouse; wickedly you attack humble and great, like a maddened 
stag. But if the noble count lives two years more, France will be sorrow- 
ful through [the part she played in]] your schemes. Rome, so great is 
your evil-doing that God and his saints you regard not, so little are you 
restrained, Rome false and deceitful; because the treachery of this world 
is hidden and sunken and mingled in you, you commit a great outrage 
against Count Raymond. . . . Rome, for gain you commit many crimes, 
many wrongs, many base deeds; you are so anxious to hold sway over 
the world that you have no fear of God or his saints; nay, I see even that 
you will do such evil as I would not name for a throw of the dice. Rome, 
you cover your wickedness with a false semblance, and thereby devour 
many an ill-gotten morsel, no matter who suffers. You have the face of 
a lamb with simple look, within you are a ravenous wolf, a crowned serpent 
engendred of a viper; therefore the Devil calls to you as to his dear friend. 



92 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

E confortan ab doussor 

Los oveillas noit e dia, 

Pois quant las an en bailia 
Et ill las fan morir e dechazer 
1st fals pastor, don eu m'en desesper. . . . 

E si vos en faitz clamor, 

Seran vos encusador, 

E seretz n'escumeniatz; 

Ni, s'aver non lor donatz, 

Ab els non auretz amor 

Ni amistat ni paria. 

Vergena, Sancta Maria, 
Domna, si us platz, laissatz me'l jorn vezer 
Qu'els puosca pauc doptar e mens temer ! 

Vai sirventes, ten ta via, 

E di m'a falsa clerzia 
Qu'aicel es mortz qui s met en son poder; 
Qu'a Tolosa en sab horn ben lo ver. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, p. 307) 16 

An account of the events that infused such bitterness into 
the sweet singing of the Provencal poets is given in the Chanson 
de la Croisade des Albigeois. The poem was written, as the 

16 Fear shall not prevent me from composing a sirventes dedicated to 
the false clerics; and when it shall be finished, many shall know the deceit 
and crime that originate with the false clergy; for the more strength and 
power they have, the more evil and sorrow they cause. True it is that 
our "pastors" are become thievish wolves; for they steal in all directions, 
and put on a semblance of gentleness and re-assure the sheep by their 
mildness night and day. Then when they have the sheep in their power, 
they fall upon and kill them, those false pastors, whom I despair of. . . . 
And if you make an outcry about them, they will become your accusers 
and you will be excommunicated, and if you do not give them your prop- 
erty, you will not receive from them friendship or love or kindly treatment. 
Virgin, holy Mary, Lady, if it be thy will, let me see the day when I shall 
suspect them little and fear them less! Go, my song, pursue thy way, 
and say to the false clergy that he is a dead man who puts himself in their 
power, for at Toulouse men know the truth about them. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 93 

opening lines inform us, by Guilhem, a clerk of Tudela. It 
treats the occurrences between the years 1210 and 1219. The 
author testifies to the spread of the new doctrine over all south- 
western France "from Beziers to Bordeaux," and condones, if 
he does not actually approve, the measures taken to extirpate 
the heresy. After line 2769, however, the attitude of the author 
changes, becoming much more favorable to the party of Count 
Raymond. Paul Meyer and other scholars have held that the 
later part is by a different writer. 

The troubadour-bishop, Folquet of Marseilles, fares hardly 
at the poet's hands, as in the lines ascribed to Count Raymond 
of Toulouse. Even to make peace with Rome, the Count can 
not unsay his opinion of the bigoted churchman. 

E die vos del avesque, que tant n'es afortitz, 
Qu'en la sua semblansa es Dieus e nos trazitz; . . . 
Pero, cant el fo abas ni monges revestitz, 
En la sua abadia fo si'l lums escurzitz 
• Qu'anc no i ac be ni pauza, tro qu'el ne fo ichitz. 
E cant fo de Tholosa avesque elegitz, 
Per trastota la terra es tals foes espanditz 
Que jamais per nulha aiga no sira escantitz; 
Que plus de .x. milia, que de grans que petitz, 
I fe perdre las vidas els cors els esperitz. 
Per la fe qu'ieu vos deg, al seus faitz e als ditz 
Ez a la captenensa, sembla mielhs Antecritz 
Que messatges de Roma. 

(Chanson de la Croisade, 3309-3326) 17 



17 And I say to you concerning the bishop, that he has become so power- 
ful, that in his person God is betrayed in us [mortals]. . . . When he was 
abbot and wore the monk's frock, the light was so obscured in his abbey 
that neither holiness nor peace existed there until he had left. And when 
he was chosen bishop of Toulouse, such a fire was spread abroad through 
all the land as no water will ever put out; for he caused more than ten 
thousand, both great and small, to lose their lives, both bodies and souls. 
By my faith, in respect to his deeds and his words and his conduct, he 
seems to be Antichrist rather than the representative of Rome. 



94 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The poet records the instructions given by the cardinal to 
the invaders and all too faithfully carried out: 

Quel cardenal de Roma prezicans e ligens 
Que la mortz e lo glazis an tot primeiramens, 
Aissi que dins Tholoza nils apertenemens, 
Negus horn no i remanga ni nulha res vivens 
Ni dona, ni donzela, ni nulha femna prens, 
Ni autra creatura, ni nulhs efans laitens; 
Que tuit prengan martiri en las flamas ardens. 

(Chanson de la Croisade, 9566-9572) 18 

The "frightful butchery" of the taking of Toulouse had 
burned itself into the poet's memory. The narrator exposes 
pitilessly every detail of the massacre. Pleasant reading the 
tale can hardly have been to the dominant church party, nor 
was it intended to be such. 

E corron vas la vila ab los trencans agutz 
E comensal martiris el chaplamens temutz, 
Quels baros e las donas e los efans menutz 
Els homes e las femnas totz despulhatz e nutz 
Detrencan e detalhan am los brans esmolutz, 
E la earns e lo sancs e los cervels els brutz. 
E membres e personas maitadatz e fendutz. . . . 
Estan per meg las plassas co si eran plogutz; 
Car de lo sane espars qui lai s'es espandutz 
Es la terra vermelha el sols e la palutz; 
No i remas horn ni femna ni joves ni canutz 
Ni nulha creatura si no s'es rescondutz. 



19 



La vila es destruita e lo foes escendutz. 

(Chanson de la Croisade, 9307-9320) 

18 The cardinal bade his men first of all bear death and the sword so 
that in Toulouse and its environs there should remain no man nor living 
thing, no woman or young girl or mother or other creature, not even a 
nursing child, but all should suffer martyrdom in glowing flames. 

19 And the crusaders run towards the city with sharp spears and begin 
the massacre and frightful butchery. With their sharp blades they cut 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 95 

What marvel that, recalling such horrors, the chronicler 
derides the proposal to canonize Simon de Montfort! 

Tot dreit a Carcassona Ten portan sebelhir, . . . 

E ditz el epictafi, eel quil sab ben legir, 

Qu'el es sans ez es martirs, e que deu resperir, 

E dins el gaug mirable heretar e florir, 

E portar la corona e el regne sezir. 

E ieu, ai auzit dire c'aisis deu avenir: 

Si per homes aucirre, ni per sane espandir, 

Ni per esperitz perdre, ni per mortz cosentir, 

E per mals cosselhs creire, e per foes abrandir, 

E per baros destruire, e per paratge aunir, 

E per las terras toldre e per orgolh suffrir, 

E per los mals escendre, e pels bes escantir, 

E per donas aucirre, e per efans delir, 

Pot horn, en aquest segle, Jhesu Crist comquerir, 

El deu portar corona e el eel resplandir! 

(Chanson de la Croisade, 8681) 20 



and hack to pieces the barons and ladies and little children, the men and 
women, despoiled of their clothing and naked. And their flesh, their 
blood, their brains, their bodies, their limbs, disfigured and cut to pieces 
... lie about the public squares as if they had rained down. With the 
blood which was shed there, the earth, the soil, the marsh was red. No 
man or woman, either young or old, no living creature, was left alive, 
except in some hiding-place. The city was destroyed and the fire kindled. 
20 Straightway they bear him [Folquet] to Carcassonne to be buried. 
And the epitaph tells, to one who can read it, that he is a saint and a martyr, 
and that he is destined to rise at the last day and to inherit and enjoy the 
marvelous bliss [of heaven], and to wear the crown and to sit in the king- 
dom [of the saints]. And I, indeed, have heard it said that it may well 
be so: if by killing men, by shedding blood, by destroying souls, by con- 
senting to murders, by following evil counsels, by starting conflagrations, 
by destroying barons, by bringing the nobility to shame, by seizing lands, 
by supporting pride, by kindling evils, by extinguishing good, by killing 
women and destroying children, one can overcome Jesus Christ in this 
world, one should wear a crown and shine in heaven. 



96 THE SPIKIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Popular joy at the death of the persecutor (1218) broke 
forth in snatches of song like the Mort du Loup. 

Montfort 

Es mort! 

Es mort! 

Es mort! 
Viva Tolosa, 
Ciotat gloriosa 
Et poderosa! 
Tornan lo paratge et Fonor! 

Montfort 

Es mort! 

Es mort! 

Esmort! 21 
(V. Histoire des Albigeois, N. Peyrat, vol. i, p. 407) 

The swan-song of the cause was sung by Bernard Sicard de 
Marjevols. 

Ab greu cossire 
Fau sirventes cozen; 

Dieus ! qui pot dire 
Ni saber lo turmen, 

Qu'ieu, quan m'albire 
Suy en grand pessamen; 

Non puesc escrire 
L'ira ni'l marrimen. 
Qu'el segle tor bat vey, 
E corrompom la ley 
E sagramen e fey, 
Q'usquecx pessa que vensa 
Son par ab malvolensa 
E d'aucir lor e sey [?] 
Ses razon e ses drey. 



21 Montfort is dead! is dead! is dead! Long may Toulouse flourish, 
that glorious and powerful city ! Our nobles and our honor return ! Mont- 
fort is dead! is dead! is dead! 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 97 

Tot jorn m'azire 
E ai aziramen; 

La nueg sospire 
E velhan e dormen; 

Vas on que m vire, 
Aug la cortesa gen 

Que cridon: "Cyre!" 
Al Frances humilmen. . . . 
Ai ! Toloza e Proensa 
E la terra d'Agensa, 
Bezers e Carcassey 
Quo vos vi ! e quo us vey ! . . . 

Franca clercia, 
Gran ben dey dire de vos, 

E s'ieu podia 
Diria'n per un dos. 

Gen tenetz via 
E ensenhatz la nos; 

Mas qui ben guia 
N'aura bos gazardos. 
Res no vey que us laissatz, . . . 
Sofretz greu malanansa 
E vistetz ses coinhdansa; 
Mielhs valha Dieus a nos 
Qu'ieu no die ver de vos. 

Si quo'l salvatges 
Per lag temps mov son chan, 

Es mos coratges 
Qu'ieu chante derenan. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, 191) 22 

22 With great sorrow I make this sirventes; God, who can say or know 
my torment, for whenever I reflect, I am in deep grief? I can not write 
my wrath and vexation. I see this world confounded, and law, sacrament 
and faith destroyed, for each man is ever thinking how to overcome his 
fellow by malevolence, and men slay one another without reason or right. 
Every day I lament, and I have cause for lamentation; at night I sigh, 
waking and sleeping; whenever I turn, I hear the complaisant people 



98 THE SPIKIT OF PKOTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Akin to the Provencal poets by his love for the gay life of the 
feudal castle, by his abhorrence of asceticism and by his de- 
nunciation of Roman cupidity was the poet of northern France, 
Guiot de Provins. Indeed, in the many Sittings from court to 
court of his earlier days, Guiot had found inspiration in Provence. 

A Aries 01 conteir mout gent 
Lor vie en Peglise Saint Trophe. 

(Bible Guiot, 70) 23 

The Bible, written after his return from the Third Crusade and 
his entrance upon the monastic life about 1194, expresses his 
discontent with the dull world of his later days and most of all 
with the Church to which he had just pledged his allegiance. 
He is particularly incensed that revenues collected in France 
should not be expended in relieving the needs of that country, 
but be divided among the venal priests of Rome. 

Quant li peire ocist ses enfans 

Grant pechie* fait. Ha Rome, Rome, . . . 

Vos nos ociez chescun jor. . . . 

Tout est alei tout est perdu 

Quant li chardenal sont venu. . . . 

Sa viennent plain de simonie 

Et comble de malvaise vie, 

Sa viennent sens nulle raison, 

Sans foi, et sens religion, 

Car il vendent Deu et sa meire 

Et traissent nos et lor peire. . . . 

crying, "Sire!" humbly to the Frenchman. . . . Alas! Toulouse and 
Provence and the land of Agenais! Beziers and Carcassonne! what you 
were! what you are! Clergy of France, great good should be said of you, 
and if I could, I would say twice as much. Hold the right way and teach 
it to us. He who guides well, will win high reward for his service. But 
I do not see that you leave anything [to us]. . . . You suffer evildoing 
and you live without restraint. May God be kinder to us, for I see no 
kindness in you. The woodbird raises its song even in ill weather; such 
is my heart, for I sing straight on. 

23 At Aries I heard many persons relating the life [of the sages] in the 
church of Saint Trophimus. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 99 

Que font de Tor et de l'argent 

Qu'il enportent outre les mons? 

Chauciees, hospitals ne pons 

N'an font il pas, ce m'est a vis. 

Se m'ait Deus, il valent pis 

Asseiz que ne font li paien ! 

Se Papostoles en ait rien? 

Ou, j'o dire qu'il i ait part: . . . 

L'avoir enportent li legat 

Dont tant i ait guille et barat. . . . 

Cors de Rome, con estes toute 

Plainne de pechiez criminals ! 

Puez que Papostoles ne voit 

Et il ne fait ceu que il doit, 

Cheoir devons et acorper .... 

Nostre peires nos ait osteiz 

De droite voie et de droite euvre; . . . 

Li due, li conte et li roi 

S'en devroient molt consillier. . . . 

Rome trait et destruit tout, 

Rome e'est les doiz de malice 

Dont sordent tuit li malvais vice. . . . 

Je di que ce seroit raisons 

Con destrusce la covoitise 

Qui en Rome s'est toute mise, 

Et Porguel, et la felonie. 

(Bible Guiot, 660-780) M 

24 When the father slays his children, he commits great sin. Ah, Rome, 
Rome, you slay us every day. All is gone, all is lost, when the cardinals 
arrive. They come guilty of simony [Fr. full of], guilty of evil living; 
they come without reason, without faith, and without religion, for they 
sell God and his mother, and they betray us and their father. What do 
they with the gold and silver which they carry away beyond the mountains? 
They do not build roads, hospitals and bridges with it, of that I am sure. 
So aid me God, they are far worse than are the pagans! Has the pope 
any share of it? Yes, I have heard it said that he has his part of it. The 
legates, in whose hearts is such guile and deceit, bear off our property. 
Court of Rome, how full you are of mortal sins! Since the pope sees noth- 
ing and does not do what he should, we must fall and stumble. Our father 
has kept us from the right road and from the right work. The dukes, the 



100 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The author of Carite and Miserere, a hermit who styled him- 
self "li Renclus de Moiliens," was fearless in denouncing 
wrong-doing by the clergy. As the works of the Hermit were 
among the most popular of their class in the Middle Ages, 
thirty manuscripts being extant even now, one must infer that 
the author's arraignment of the Church found many responsive 
readers, men competent and accustomed to judge for them- 
selves. The framework of his satire is a pilgrimage undertaken 
in the hope of finding sweet Charity. Naturally the pilgrim- 
poet repairs first to Rome. There disappointment awaits him. 
The pope may be beyond reproach, but he allows himself to be 
surrounded by evil advisers. 

From many stanzas of denunciation these verses have been 
selected to show the writer's independent attitude. 

Premierement a Rome fui. 

Toi cuidai en chel haut refui 

Trover o le pape romain, 

Ki tout le monde a en sa main; 

Je te cuidai bien en son sain 

Trover mius ke en sain d'autrui, 

Si com el pere soverain, 

Cui on doit trover primerain 

En bien, et prendre essemple a lui. 

Carites, la me dist on 
Ke tu jadis en le maison 
Le pape estoies consilliere; 
Dont ala le cours par raison. 
Mais tu n'i fus k'une saison, 
Car on te mist a le foriere 
Par conseil d'une pautoniere: 

counts and the kings ought to take much counsel together about the 
matter. Rome betrays and destroys everything; Rome is the fount of 
malice from which gush forth all deadly evils. I declare that it would be 
right for us to destroy the covetousness and the pride and the felony, 
which have established themselves at Rome. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 101 

Ch'est covoitise, le boursiere, 
Ki ne redoute trai'son 
Faire, tant a pecune kiere. 
Faus cuers tapist sous bele kiere, 
Quant on li fait d'argent poison. 

Je n'oi pas se grant bien non 
Dire de le pape par non. . . . 
Mais chil ki li sont environ 
Font sovent blasmer se persone; 
Tieus maisnie entor lui fuisone 
Dont male novele resone. . . . 

Ne puet povres en court entrer. . . . 
Horn vuis ne puet le porte outrer; . . 

Quant je me fui mis el retour 
De le grant court, je fis un tour 
La ou mainent li cardonal; 
Mais tous les trovai d'un atour. 
Cha et la tuit sont mercatour. . . . 

Le lois se taist quant ore murmure; 
Drois se tapist a son d'argent. . . . 

Romains a le langue legiere. 

Quant ele est ointe, est bien parliere, 

Et a langue desointe est mus; 

Et ki bien li oint se carniere, 

Entre ens; se non, voist s'ent arriere ! 

Li povres s'en reva confus, 

Li rikes entre ens sans refus. 

Bien ses tu ki a Rome fus 

Coment tel ointure i est kiere. 

(Romans de Carite, st. 7-19) 25 

25 First I went to Rome, for I thought to find thee [Charity] in that 
august abode with the Roman pope, who has the whole world under his 
sway; I thought surely I should find thee in his heart rather than in the 
heart of any other, since he is the sovereign father, who should be foremost 
in holiness, an example for others. O Charity, there I was told that long 
ago thou wast counselor in the house of the pope. Then the court was 



102 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The Hermit seeks Charity next among the ministers of the 
Church, but in vain. Stanzas 51 through 102 contain a sharp 
rebuke to the priesthood. 

Prestre, dont n'est chou grans merveille, 
Quant tu dors et li lais horn veille? 
Quel merveille est, se merveille ai 
De fol pastour, de sage oeille? 
Chele est nete, chil se soeille, 
Chele est ou pre et chil ou tai. 

(Romans de Carite, st. 71) 26 

Commenting on the fanon, which represents the handker- 
chief with which the harvester wipes his face, the Hermit ad- 
ministers a bold rebuke. 

Prestre, quant le fanon presis, 
Messoneour de toi fesis; 
Dusk'au suer en laborant 
En le mes de Diu te mesis. 
Fai dont che ke tu promesis; . . . 

governed by reason; but thou wast there only for a season, for thou wast 
driven out by the advice of a good-for-nothing, Covetousness, the steward 
there, who hesitates at no treachery, so well she loves money. A false 
heart hides under a fair countenance, when she is offered a money potion. 
I heard naught but good said of the pope himself, . . . but those who 
are about him often bring blame upon him; round him swarms a company 
whose ill repute echoes far. No poor man can enter the papal court; no 
one passes that door empty-handed. . . . When I had returned from the 
papal court, I directed my steps where the cardinals dwell; but I found 
them all of one kind, and everywhere mercenary. . . . Law is silent when 
gold whispers; justice retires before the clink of silver. . . . The Roman 
has a ready tongue; when it is oiled, it speaks glibly; but with tongue 
unlubricated he is mute. And whoever oils the hinges of his door, enters 
within; otherwise, he is turned away. The poor man retires in confusion, 
the rich is never refused entrance. You who have been at Rome know 
well how costly such ointment is. 

26 Priest, is it not a great wonder that you sleep and the layman wakes? 
What wonder is it if I wonder at the foolish pastor and the wise flock? 
These are clean, he is defiled; they are in the meadow, and he in the mud. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 103 

Prestre, jou ai mout veli ans, 
Ne vi dous prestres sane suans. 
Por coi remaint ke sane ne suent? 
Por coi? Coveitise puans 
A fait tous les prestres truans; 
En messonant deniers tressuent. . . . 

Peu voi pastours, mout mercheniers, 
Car, ausi com li taverniers 
N'a cure fors de riens venaus 
Dont on voelle doner deniers, 
Tant voi de lai tiers, de laniers. . . . 
Tant monte mestiers merchenaus 
Montes est as plus personaus 
De ches grans abes crocheniers 
Et des mitres episcopaus. 

(Romans de Carite, st. 81, 86, 126) 27 

The monks are selected grain, yet luxury has invaded the 
monasteries. The spirit of Saint Francis and of Saint Dominic 
has been quite forgotten. 

Li viel moine . . . 

Se soloient es bos logier 

Et haire et lange a gros pelain . . . 

Vestir. . . . 

Li nuef de lor dos enlangier 

N'ont cure, mais bien enlingier 

Se sevent come castelain. 

27 Priest, when you took the fanon, you made a harvester of yourself; 
you bound yourself to the sweat of labor in the harvest of God. Do then 
what you promised. . . . Priest, I have seen many years, and I have 
never seen two priests sweating blood. How does it happen that they do 
not sweat blood? How? Foul covetousness has made all priests recreants. 
They sweat at garnering in money. . . . I see few shepherds, many mar- 
ket-men; for, just as the tavern-keeper cares only for vendible goods 
for which men will give money, so these "shepherds" make profit of 
their flock. Venality has mounted so high that it has reached the 
greatest among those august abbots with the crozier and the episcopal 
mitre. 



104 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Li viel un asne a grant dangier 
Paissoient por coust de mangier; 
Mais li nuef paissent eras polain. 

(Romans de C write, st. 147) 28 

In the Miserere the tone is even bolder and more pessimistic. 
The Hermit has given up the search for Charity and merely 
bewails the evil of the times. 

Mesdis amonte a grant esploit. 
N'est gens ki a lui ne s'aploit. 
Nis li moine Font enclostre. 
Chistiaus et Clugnis le rechoit, 
Et vest Fabit Saint Beneoit. . . . 
Mesdis a hanap d'abe* boit; . . . 
Je dout ke eveskes ne soit. 

Li moine as millours mes s'amordent 
Et es millours morsiaus mieus mordent, 
Et si boivent bien et sovent. 
De lor veu petit se recordent. 

(Miserere, st. 119, 142) 29 

In the Quatre tenz d'aage d'ome we get the view of a man of 
the world. Philippe de Novare maintains for the most part a 
discreet silence concerning the clergy, but he does not assign 
them that prominent place in the education of children, or in 
the direction of public affairs, which they claimed as rightfully 

28 The old monks . . . were wont to dwell in the woods and to clothe 
themselves in haircloth and shaggy wool. . . . The new monks have no 
liking for wearing wool on their backs, but go fine in linen like chatelains. 
The old monks would hardly keep an ass because of the cost of feeding it; 
the new keep sleek steeds. 

29 Slander thrives marvelously. There is no one who does not bend 
to her. Even the monks have welcomed her to the cloister: Citeaux and 
Cluny receive her, and she wears the habit of Saint Benedict. All the 
Orders are hers; Slander drinks from the cup of an abbot; ... I suspect 
that she will become a bishop. The monks love the best dishes, and they 
prefer the choicest bits, and they drink deeply and often. Of their vows 
they think seldom. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 105 

theirs. Towards the close of his book, Philippe divides men 
into three classes, to each of which he assigns a different kind 
of pay. The classes are "les f ranches genz aimable et debo- 
naires, les gens de mestier, li vilain." The clergy are put in 
the second division, that of the gens de mestier, and their 
reward is of a pecuniary nature. 

En eels dou loier de don a trop a dire; car tout premiers 
cil de Sainte Eglise le veulent a la vie et a la mort, et apres 
la mort ont loier et aumosnes por chanter messes de requiem 
por les ames qui sont en purgatoire [adding in more orthodox 
fashion] et ce est li miaus amploiez loier s. 

(Quatre tenz, % 216) 30 

That extraordinary production, the Lamenta of Matheolus, 
has its sneer for the faults of the sacerdotal order. 

Si me merveil que cuident faire 
Ceulx qui sont pour nostre exemplaire 
Mis et poses a honneur haulte. 
On voit en eulx plus grant deffaulte 
Qu'en nous, et font plus a reprendre, 
Les pastours ne veulent entendre 
Au fouc garder que Dieu leur bailie; 
II ne leur chaut comment il aille; 
Trop bien se scevent esforcier 
Des berbis tondre et escorchier. 
Par mon tesmoing un tel pastour 
Vault pis que leu ne que castom\ 
L'evesque tout ravist et pille. . . . 
Chascun laisse son fouc sans garde, 
Et s'en vont qui bien y regarde, 
Avec les roys, pompeusement, 
Pour vivre plus joyeusement, 

30 Concerning those whose recompense is money there is much to say; 
for first of all the clergy demand money while men are living and when 
they are dying, and even after men are dead, the clergy have money and 
alms for singing requiem masses for the souls in Purgatory . . . and that 
is the best spent money. 



106 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Les besongnes royaulx procurent, 

Les playes du peuple ne curent . . . 

Les biens du crucefix degastent. 

II sont larrons apertement, 

S'oultre leur vivre et vestement 

Nuls des biens aux povres detiennent. . . . 

Par symonie et sous ses eles 

Vendent choses spiritueles. 

N'est pas raison que on les vende; 

Car tout pour noyant la prouvende 

Doit estre donnee au preudhomme. 

Le contraire est en court de Rome. 

Fraude y est par tout entendue; . . . 

Symon vit et mort est Saint Pierre; 

On ne fonde rien sus sa pierre. . . . 

Merveille ay des religieus. 

Plus que nous sont delicieus, 

Plus despendent tels damoiseaux 

En chevaux, en chiens, en oiseaux, . . . 

En vins et en viandes gloutes. . . . 

Leur aucteur met condicion 

Que nuls d'eulx, par ambicion 

N'ait propre. . . . 

Or en est chascun coustumier 

D'avoir propre. . . . 

Si ne leur doit on rien donner, 

Pour j angler ne pour sermonner; 

Car on pert tout quanqu' on leur donne. 

(Lamenta, iv, 283-429) 31 



31 I wonder at the deeds of the clergy who are set over us for an example 
and raised to high honor. We see greater faults in them than in us, and 
they are more blameworthy. The priests take no pains to keep the flock 
that God gives them; they care not how it fares; too well they know how 
to shear and fleece the sheep. In my opinion such priests are worse than 
wolves or beavers. The bishop extorts and bears away everything. . . . 
Each leaves his flock without guard, and goes away, if you will notice, 
with the king in pomp. To live more luxuriously they obtain posts at 
the court. They take no thought for the sufferings of the poor. . . . 
They waste the revenues of the crucifix. They are out-and-out robbers 



PKOTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 107 

In the first part of Fauvel, dated by the author 1310, we get 
the view of an ultra-clerical. Opposed as he was, however, to 
usurpations of ecclesiastical prerogatives, he did not remit for 
that the scourging of sin in high places. Clement V was then 
on most amicable terms with Philip IV to whom he owed his 
elevation, but Gervais (if he be indeed the author of Fauvel) 
did not shrink from confronting the combination of pope, 
bishops and king. 

Puis en consistore publique 
S'en va Fauvel, beste autentique, 
Et quant li pape voit teil beste 
Sachiez qu'il fet trop grant feste. . . . 
Par le frain doucement le prent. 
De torchier nuli ne reprent 
Et puis frote a Fauvel la teste 
En disant: "Ci a bele beste." 
Li cardineaus dient pour plere: 
" Vous dites voir, sire Saint Pere." 

(Fauvel, fol. I) « 



if they exact anything from the poor except sufficient to provide them 
with food and clothing. . . . Through simony and under pretence of 
religion they sell spiritual offices. It is not right to sell them, for prebends 
should be conferred upon the worthy without cost. The opposite custom 
prevails at the court of Rome. Corruption, by all reports, is rife there. 
. . . Simon lives and Saint Peter is dead; nothing is built on his rock 
["pierre"]. ... I marvel at the monks. They are daintier than we; 
these young gentlemen spend more than we on horses, on dogs, on falcons, 
... on wine and on choice dishes. . . . Their founder imposed the re- 
striction that none of them, through ambition, should have property of 
his own. . . . Now each is accustoned to possess private property. . . . 
We ought then to give them nothing for haranguing and discoursing; for 
we lose whatever we give them. 

32 Then Fauvel, the famous beast, comes into the public consistory, and 
when the pope sees such a beast, rest assured that he makes a great ado. 
. . . He takes him gently by the rein, he reproves no one for stroking him, 
and he rubs Fauvel's head, saying: "Pretty beast!" The cardinals say 
to please him: "You speak the truth, holy Father." 



108 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The Church had strayed far from its earlier simplicity: 

Saint Pere, qui papes estoit, 

D'escallate pas ne vestoit, 

Ne ne vivoit d'exactions, 

Si vivoit de sa pescherie. . . . 

Mais nostre pape d'orendroit 

Si pesche en trop meillour endroit. 

II a une roy grant et forte 

Qui des flourins d'or li aporte. . . . 

Le pape, pas nel celerai, 

Torche Fauvel devers le roi 

Pour les joiaus qu'il li presente, 

Et a lui plere met s'entente. . . . 

Le pape n'i met pas sa chape 

Ne du clergie n'est pas tuteur, 

Mes le roy fait executeur 

Si que, par la laye justice, 

Justisiee est Sainte Eglise. . . . 

Ainsi le pape Fauvel torche, 

Si bel que le clergie escorche, 

Et si n'i met la main, ce semble, 

Mes Sainte Eglise toute en tremble. . . . 

Pastours sont, mes c'est pour els pestre. 

Huy est le louf des brebis mestre. 

Bien lour seivent oster la laine 

Si pres de la pel qu'ele saine. . . . 

Las ! comment sont mis en chaiere 

Jeunes prelas par symonie 

Qui poi ont apres de clergie. 

Eulz ont non de reverent pere 

Et enfans sont. . . . 

Par eulz est souvent porveli 

Le roy d'exactions lever 

Sur PIglise et d'elle grever. 

Par les prelas qui veulent plere 

Au roy et tout son plesir fere 

Dechiet au jour d'ui Sainte Eglise 

Son honneur pert et sa franchise. 

(Fauvel, fol. 6.) 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 109 

Sire Diex, quant il me souvient 
D'aucuns prestres qui sont cureis 
Comment il sont desmesureis 
Et comment il mainent vie orde, . . . 
Trestout le cuer m'en espovente. . . . 
Moult se painent au monde plere . . . 
De tout se veulent entremettre. . . . 

(Fauvel, fol. 6) 

Mort sont a Dieu et vif au monde 

E mourir font religion. 
Che sont cil qui au siecle vivent; 

Tous jours y sont, tous i arrivent. 
Rien ne heent tant com le cloistre, . . . 

II ont religious habit 
Mes poi est de bien qui habit 

Aujourdui sous froc ne sous gonne. 

(Fauvel, fol. 9) 33 

The good old abbot of Tournai, Gilles li Muisis, attributes 
the contempt into which the priesthood had fallen to their 
neglect of learning. In his garrulous way he makes a delight- 

33 Saint Peter, when he was pope, did not clothe himself in scarlet, nor 
did he live upon tithes; he supported himself by fishing. But our pope 
of the present day fishes in very profitable places. He has a net great 
and strong that brings florins of gold to him. The pope (I will not conceal 
it) strokes Fauvel before the king for the trinkets the latter gives him r 
and takes care to please him. . . . The pope is no longer protector or 
guardian of the clergy, but he admits the king as executor so that the 
Church is judged by civil law. ... So the pope strokes Fauvel as well as 
the clergy. And he does not put his hand upon the beast, it seems, without 
holy Church's trembling. . . . Shepherds they [the priests] are, but to 
feed themselves. . . . Today the wolf is master of the sheep. Well these 
shepherds know how to take the wool so close to the skin that the sheep 
bleeds. . . . Alas! through simony young prelates are installed who have 
little learning; they have the name of reverend father and are children. 
. . . Through them the king has often been able to levy taxes upon the 
Church and to vex her. Through the prelates who wish to please the 
king and to perform his pleasure, holy Church today is falling, and losing 
her honor and freedom. . . . Lord God, when I think of the priests 



110 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

ful picture of the democratic student life which, as a lad, he 
had enjoyed at Paris. 

Les eglises adont estoient bien servies, 
Car de vaillans personnes estoient raemplies, 
Qui toudis en aprendre mettoient estudies; 
Plus pensoient a Dieu k'avoir les signouries. . . . 

On honneroit partout les clers et leur clergie, 
Et cil qui plus savoient, ne s'eslevoient mie, 
Mais toudis Tuns al autre tenoient compagnie: 
Estude maintenir, il n'est si boine vie. 

S'estoi-che bielle cose de plente d'escoliers; 
II manoient ensanble par loges, par soliers, 
Enfans de riches honnnes et enfans de toiliers; . . . 

De Tournay seulement j'en vie siscante-saise 
Escoliers a Paris, cescuns bien s'en apaise, 
Car toute li cytes en estoit adont aise. . . . 

Clerc vienent as estudes de toutes nations 

Et en yvier s'asanlent par pluseurs legions; . . . 

En estet s'en retraient moult en leurs regions. 

{Poesies, i, 262-264) u 

who are pastors, how proud they are, what base lives they lead, my 
heart is terrified. They strive to please the world, and they desire to 
have part in every business. . . . They are dead to God and alive to the 
world, and they kill religion, for they lead worldly lives. They hate 
nothing so much as the cloister; they wear the garb of religion, but 
there is little good now which dwells under [clerical] frock or robe. 

34 The churches then were well served, for they were in the charge of 
worthy persons, who set their heart always on learning; they thought 
more of God than of getting benefices. . . . The clerics and their learning 
were everywhere honored, and those who knew more did not hold them- 
selves above the rest, but each was the good comrade of the other; to be 
occupied in study, no life is so pleasant. How beautiful was the great 
number of students! They dwelt together, in lodgings, in garrets, children 
of rich men and children of weavers. . . . From Tournay alone I saw at 
Paris six hundred and sixteen, each one well satisfied, for the whole city 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 111 

When the clergy were devoted to learning and the preaching 
of the gospel, they were welcome guests in every home. But 
in these latter days, he complains, they are dreaded visitors, 
since they employ their spiritual authority to extort money. 
In every way they seek to override the civil power. Charity 
has departed from their company. 

On soloit moult amer leur visitations; 
Or voelent pau de gent leur frequentations, 
Car il sont redoubtet pour les confiessons; 
Ensi vont anullant partout devotions. . . . 

Que feront li preudomme? Morir convient ou vivre 

II ne sevent fouir, hauver, batre, vaner; . . . 

Mais on leur dist que sevent trop bien les gens taner. 

Demander sevent bien et iaus humilyer, 

Car il n'ont de quoi vivre, si leur convient pryer; 

Les gens par biel parler sevent enollyer; 

Par force leur convient donner et ottryer. . . . 

A prumiers avoit on sur iaus petit d'envie, 

Mais pour chou que leur ordenes partout si mouteplie, 

On doubte qu'il ne montent en trop grant signourie. 

(Poesies, i, 272-281) 
S'est carites en pluseurs refroidie; . . . 

Carites se repont, yestre ne poet trouvee; 
Avarisses partout s'apert tieste levee. 

(Poesies, ii, 148-149) 35 

was then proud of them. . . . Clerics came to studies from all nations, 
and in winter they flocked together in many bands; ... in summer they 
often withdrew to their own countries. 

35 People used to love their visits; now few care for their company, 
for they are feared because of their abuse of the confessional; so they 
destroy the spirit of devotion wherever they go. . . . What can the worthy 
men do? It is a choice of living or dying. They do not know how to 



112 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Jean de Meung was no less ready to make the charges that 
were considered bold from Luther. The Friars, according to 
the French scribe, were the later Pharisees; they were wolves 
in sheep's clothing; they meddled with wills, marriages, com- 
pacts; they levied blackmail on sinners; vowed to poverty, 
they sought only their own eslse. 

After excluding from his censure truly devout monks, Jean 
de Meung made Faux-Semblant s,ay: 

Ge mains avec les orguilleus, 

Les vezies, les artilleus, 

Qui mondaines honors convoitent, 

Et les grans besoignes exploitent, . . . 

Et se font povre et si se vivent 

Des bons morciaus d^licieus, 

Et boivent les vins precieus; 

Et la povrete vont pres chant, 

Et les grans richesces peschant 

As saynes et as trainaus. ... 

La robe ne fait le moine. 

(Roman de la rose, 11803-11824) 

Ge puis confesser et assoldre, . . . 
Toutes gens ou que je les truisse; 
Ne sai prelat nul qui ce puisse, 
Fors l'apostole solement 
Qui fist cest establissement 
Tout en la faveur de nostre ordre. . . . 
Mes ne me chaut comment qu'il aille, 
J'ai des deniers, j'ai de Faumaille; 



dig, hoe, thresh and reap; . . . but they do know, so it is said, how to 
annoy people. They know how to beg and to degrade themselves, for 
they have no means to live upon, so they must beg; they know how to 
win over people by their soft speaking; perforce one must give to them 
and accede to their demands. ... At first they excited little envy, but 
because their order is increasing everywhere it is feared that they may 
rise to too great power. . . . Charity has grown cold in many; . . . Char- 
ity hides herself, she cannot be found; Avarice shows herself everywhere 
with head carried high. 



PROTEST AGAINST THE CHURCH 113 

Tant ai fait, tant ai sermone, 
Tant ai pris, tant nYen a done 
Tout le monde par sa folie, 
Que ge maine vie jolie. 

(Roman de la rose, 11995-12012) 36 

Considering the unanimity with which the pretensions and 
the false living of the clergy were derided by the mdralists of 
the time, one might be surprised that the Reformation did not 
begin in the thirteenth century, instead of in the sixteenth, 
in France instead of in Germany. That it did not was, perhaps, 
due to the wise policy of tolerance which seems to have pre- 
vailed in the Church. It would appear that, except in matters 
of dogma, liberty of speech was unchecked. Not even a Re- 
pressor of Over-Much Blaming of the Clergy opposed the cur- 
rent denunciation of evil. The worst punishment meted out 
to a too zealous decrier of the priesthood was, apparently, 
loss of ecclesiastical preferment. The errors of churchmen 
could, therefore, be rebuked and corrected by their own col- 
leagues. In this tolerance lies the most interesting moral and 
intellectual aspect of the period. 



The strictures of the most gifted poet of the age, Rutebeuf , 
and the most influential author, Jean de Meung, were called 
forth each by a special interest; Rutebeuf, writing as the 
champion of the University and its leader, Guillaume de Saint- 
Amour, against the encroachments of the Dominican Order; 

36 I dwell with the proud, the crafty and the artful, who covet worldly 
honors, and take advantage of the necessitous, . . . and profess poverty, 
and yet live upon choice dainties, and drink rare wines; and go about 
preaching poverty, and yet fishing after great riches with seines and nets. 
. . . The frock does not make the monk. ... I can hear confessions and 
grant absolution, ... to all persons wherever I find them; I know no 
prelate who can do this except the pope alone who devised this regulation 
wholly for the sake of our order. . . . But I care not what happens; I 
have money, I have flocks; I have done so much, I have preached so much, 
I have taken so much, everybody has given me so much through folly, 
that I lead a very pleasant life. 



114 THE SPIRIT OP PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Jean de Meung, in part as the friend of the University, but 
figuring mainly as the opponent of asceticism. The attitude 
of Rutebeuf is examined in the following chapter. There, too, 
may be found the passages in the Romance of the Rose, defend- 
ing Guillaume. Those who remain unconvinced that the thir- 
teenth century was an age in which authoritarianism was 
rudely assailed may read in Chapter V Jean de Meung's 
protests against clerical ideals. 



CHAPTER III 

THE DEFENCE OF GUILLAUME DE SAINT-AMOUR 

The most interesting chapter in the history of spiritual 
emancipation during the period here considered is the dispute 
between the University of Paris and the Dominicans, which 
culminated in the exile of Guillaume de Saint- Amour (1256). 
A Latin account of the episode is furnished by Matthew Paris. 
Among the poets Rutebeuf gives a circumstantial and passion- 
ate presentment, corroborated by Jean de Meung and lesser 
bards. The controversy is, therefore, noteworthy because it 
concerned one of the noblest scholars of the thirteenth century, 
and because it inspired the truest poet of the age. 

Rutebeuf was a devout son of the Church : he had composed 
two saints' lives, a miracle play and several hymns to the 
Virgin, remarkable for their sweetness and fervor. Yet when 
he dealt with the religious orders, his censure was relentless. 

To understand the acrimony of so sweet and devout a nature 
as Rutebeuf s, it is necessary to review the circumstances 
leading up to the trouble between the University and the 
Dominican Order. The ecclesiastical disputes which interested 
Rutebeuf were of two kinds : there was the contention between 
the University of Paris and the Dominicans concerning the 
alleged usurpation of University privileges by the Order. In 
this dispute the leader of the University party was Guillaume de 
Saint-Amour, in whose defence Rutebeuf wrote several poems. 
There was also the question of the pope's authority over French 
churches. Was he supreme merely in spiritual matters? Was 
he fiscal head as well, to levy taxes upon the congregations for 
whatever purpose seemed to him needful, and to expend the 
revenues thus acquired as he would? * It was this latter claim 



116 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

that loomed larger before the eyes of French kings and clerics, 
particularly later in the times of Philip the Fair. But in their 
contention they were glad of the support of the scholars, and 
the latter were not averse to aiding the anti-Roman party by 
dealing telling blows against the common adversary. So in 
Rutebeuf s writings the two questions are much involved one 
with the other. 

The controversy between the University of Paris and the 
Dominican Order owed its remote origin to a quarrel between 
the University and the city of Paris. As usual in medieval 
university towns, there was in Paris a certain animosity be- 
tween the students and the citizens ("town and gown.") 
Sometimes the police were too officious, sometimes the fault 
lay with the students. In 1228, however, the conflict between 
the city government and the University led to greater issues 
than the maintenance of peace. In that year certain students 
were slain by the watch. When the protest of the University 
was ignored, the institution closed its doors, transferring part 
of its classes to Rheims and part to Angers (1229). This was a 
golden opportunity for the Dominicans, eager for intellectual 
control, to gain students, by taking advantage of the Univer- 
sity's necessity, an act considered the more ungracious as, on 
the advent of the Order in Paris, the University had given it 
a house. The Dominicans, by favor of the Bishop of Paris 
and the Chancellor, established a chjair of theology. This 
unfriendliness was never forgotten by the University. Twenty- 
five years later Rutebeuf compared the Order to the ungrate- 
ful camel in the fable: 

Quar tel herberge on en la chambre, 
Qui le seignor gete du cas. 

(Descorde de V Universitei et des Jacobins, 39) 1 

Even after the return of the secular professors, the Domini- 
cans succeeded, against their strong opposition, in creating a 

1 For one may shelter in one's room an occupant that may drive out 
the owner. 



THE DEFENCE OF GUILLAUME DE SAINT -AMOUR 117 

chair of theology. But the University steadily refused to recog- 
nize these new professorships as of equal standing with its own, 
and its contemptuous attitude towards the new creations 
rankled in the minds of the Dominicans. 

In 1250 a fresh dispute between the University and the City 
brought on an open quarrel of the University and the Order. 
To protect its students, the University had again threatened 
to suspend its teaching, and had asked the Order to act with 
it. The Dominicans had replied that the matter could concern 
them only if their instructors were raised to the dignity of 
University doctors. The University, exasperated, decreed that 
no man should be a teacher who did not promise to obey its 
rulings. The Dominicans promptly joined issue, appealing 
both to the Regent, the Comte de Poitiers, and to the Pope, 
Innocent IV. The latter supported the appeal as against the 
University, but when a little later the dispute merged into a 
question of usurpation by the Dominicans of the rights of the 
parish priests, Innocent IV issued a brief ordering the monks 
to return to their rule. As Innocent IV died soon after, a 
Dominican historian exultantly ascribed his decease to the 
" marvelous litanies" of the monks. His successor, Alexander 
IV, was a stronger partisan, issuing no fewer than forty bulls 
in favor of the Order. 

The University bore itself resolutely. At its head was a 
man of intrepid courage, Guillaume de Saint-Amour. In addi- 
tion to his native firmness, Guillaume seems to have been 
endowed with remarkable eloquence. When brought before 
the bishop of Macon, the skill of his presentation won him 
acquittal. He was then summoned before the papal legate, 
who referred the case to the King and the bishop of Paris. 
Undaunted, Guillaume appeared before this august committee, 
attended by four thousand clerics. As his accusers did not 
likewise appear, the charge was dismissed. 

The University itself next preferred charges against the 
Dominicans, warning Alexander IV that its members would 
prefer to move to another kingdom rather than to continue 



118 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

forced association with the monks. Their protest only made 
Alexander more obstinate. His answer was three more strin- 
gent bulls, bulls so severe that Louis IX intervened to effect a 
compromise. It was agreed that the Dominicans should leave 
the University with the exception of two doctors, and that the 
chairs of these two should be made perpetual. 

The rancor of the disputants was fomented by the appear- 
ance of a tract written by a Franciscan, Gerard of San Donnino, 
but edited by and commonly attributed to John of Parma. 
The Dominican book was called Evangelium ceternum and set 
forth the teaching that there are three dispensations; that 
of the Father, in Old Testament times; that of the Son, 
in New Testament days; that of the Holy Spirit, under the 
supremacy of the Mendicant Orders. The book was denounced 
as blasphemous by the University party. Guillaume and other 
scholars prepared a compilation of scriptural passages, telling 
the perils of the last days of the world, the reign of Antichrist. 
The book, De Periculis novissimorum temporum (1256), had a 
great effect, according to Matthew Paris. The people, he 
wrote, began to ridicule the Mendicant Orders, they refused the 
alms they had given before; they called the monks hypocrites, 
successors of Antichrist, false prophets, nattering counsellors 
of kings and princes, despisers and subverters of ordinances, 
prevaricators, abusing the confessional.* 

The king sent two monks to Rome with a copy of the Uni- 
versity's tract, De Periculis; the scholars deputed four of their 
number to lay the Evangelium ceternum before the pope. 
Alexander condemned both books, but ordered the De Peri- 
culis to be burnt (1256). 

The University held firm. It would neither take back its 
teachings, as expressed in the De Periculis, nor promise to keep 
silence concerning the Dominicans. The pope sent word to all 
prelates that preferment would depend upon submission, and 
bade the king " break the heads of the insolent ones" (ut 
insolentiorum cervicosa pervicacia conf ringatur) . 

Four of the envoys, hearing of the pope's action, turned back, 



THE DEFENCE OF GUILLAUME DE SAINT-AMOUR 119 

but Guillaume de Saint-Amour went on unterrified and de- 
manded a hearing. The pope gave him for judges four cardi- 
nals who had recommended the condemnation of his book. 
Guillaume won them over by his skill and was acquitted. This 
was his fourth triumphant vindication. His adversaries re- 
sorted to other methods. He was sentenced to perpetual 
exile by the pope, and forbidden to preach anywhere (1256). 
The whole University was put under anathema, but remained 
resolute. It issued a French version of the proscribed book, 
and one of its masters interrupted the sermon of Thomas 
Aquinas to announce the book. When, after the death of Alex- 
ander IV in 1260, the new pope Urban IV permitted Guillaume 
to return, the entrance of the exile into Paris was made an 
occasion of public rejoicing (de bacchantibus summa in lseti- 
tia omnibus magistris parisiensibus) . Guillaume sent a second 
book of similar tone to Urban's successor, Clement IV. This 
pope advised caution, but gently. As Guillaume's activity 
had ceased by 1270, his death may be placed about that 
year. 

As an ardent supporter of the University and of Guillaume 
de Saint-Amour, Rutebeuf flung himself into the heat of the 
controversy. Six poems bear directly upon this episode, Li 
Diz de rUniversitei de Paris, La Descorde de V University et des 
Jacobins, Li Diz du Maitre Guillaume de Saint-Amour, La Com- 
plainte Maitre Guillaume de Saint-Amour, De Sainte Eglise, 
Des Regies. Thirteen others, Les Ordres de Paris, La Chanson 
des Ordres, Des Jacobins, Li Diz de Cordeliers, Des Beguines, 
Li Diz des Regies, Renart le Bestourne, Du Pharisian, De VEstat 
du monde, Les Plaies du monde, De la Vie du monde, La 
Bataille des Vices contre les Vertus, La Lections d'Ypocrisie et 
d'Umilitei, attest Rutebeuf 's contempt for the Mendicant 
Orders, a contempt which, poor as he was and dependent for 
very sustenance upon the favor of the king or of a court 
noble, he was too courageous to moderate (v. pp. 23, 24 of this 
book and the poems, Povretei Rutebeuf, Mariage Rutebeuf, 
Complainte Rutebeuf). 



120 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

In the earliest of these poems Rutebeuf reproaches some few 
students with the riotous living which was to furnish the 
Dominicans with an occasion for encroaching upon the privi- 
leges of the University. His sympathy with the University 
appears in his estimate of the life of the true scholar. 

Diex ! ja n'est il si bone vie, 
Qui de bien faire auroit envie, 
Com ele est de droit escolier ! . . . 
II ne pueent pas bien entendre 
A seoir asseiz a la table. 
Lor vie est ausi metable 
Come de nule religion. 

{Diz de rUniversitei, 41) 2 

A later poem reveals the bitter feeling that had sprung up 
between the monks and their early patrons. 

Rimer m'estuet d'une descorde 
Qu'a Paris a seme Envie 
Entre gent qui misericorde 
Sermonent et honeste vie. 
De foi, de pais et de concorde 
Est lor langue mult replenie, 
Mes lor maniere me recorde 
Que dire et fere n'i soit mie. 

Sor Jacobins est la parole 
Que je vos vueil conter et dire, 
Quar chascuns de Dieu nous parole 
Et si deffent courouz et ire; 



2 To one who should wish to live uprightly is there any life so pleasant 
as is that of true scholars? . . . They can not allow themselves to sit 
long enough at the table. Their life is as well governed as that of any 
monastic order. 



THE DEFENCE OF GUILLAUME DE SAINT-AMOUR 121 

Et c'est la riens qui Tame afole, 
Qui la destruit et qui F empire : 
Or guerroient por une escole 
Ou il vuelent a force lire. . . . 

Chascuns d'els deust estre amis 
L'Universite voirement, 
Quart 1' University a mis 
En els tout le bon fondement, 
Livres, deniers, pains et demis; 
Mes or lor rendent malement, 
Quar eels destruit li anemis 
Qui plus l'ont servi longuement. 

II pueent bien estre preudomme: 
Ce vueil je bien que chascuns croie; 
Mes ce qu'il pledoient a Romme 
L'Universite m'en desvoie. 
Des Jacobins vous di la somme: 
Por riens que Jacobins acroie, 
La peleure d'une pomme 
De lor dete ne paieroie. 
(Descorde de I'Universitei et des Jacobins, st. 1, 2, 4, 8) 8 

3 It is necessary for me to speak of the discord that Envy has sown 
among people who preach pity and an honest life. Faith, peace and con- 
cord are ever on their tongue, but their conduct reminds me that saying 
and doing are not at all the same. About the Dominicans is the discourse 
which I wish to deliver, for every one [of them] speaks to us of God, and 
forbids wrath and anger; and these passions [they say] ruin the soul 
and destroy it and enslave it. But then they stirred up discord for the 
sake of a school in which they wish to obtain by force the right of preach- 
ing. . . . Each of them ought to be the friend of the University truly, 
for the University established them upon a good foundation, [furnishing] 
books, money, bread and revenues; but now the Dominicans repay them 
ill, for the unfriendly order destroys those who have served it longest 
and best. They may be very worthy people — I hope that every one 
can believe it! but because they laid an accusation against the University 
at Rome, I have nothing to do with them. In regard to the Dominicans 
I tell you in short, that if a Dominican gets possession of anything, I would 
not give an apple-paring for [the payment of] the debt. 



122 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Li Diz de Maitre Guillaume de Saint-Amour and La Com- 
plainte Maitre Guillaume are even bolder in tone. Thrilled with 
indignation at the unjust exile of Guillaume, Rutebeuf does not 
hesitate to reproach the king and the highest prelates as either 
traitors to their sacred trust or weaklings. Before the dread 
tribunal of God, he warns, account must be rendered for the 
base complaisance which delivered a prophet of the truth to 
the malevolence of his enemies. 

Oiez, prelat et prince et roi, 

La desreson et le desroi 

Con a fet a mestre Guillaume: 

L'en a banni de cest roiaume; 

A tel tort ne morut mes horn. . . . 

Por ce que vous veez a plain 

Que je n'ai pas tort, se le plain, 

Et que ce soit sanz jugement 

Qu'il sueffre cest escillement, 

Je le vous monstre a iex voians, 

Ou droiz est tors et voirs noians. 

Bien avez oii la descorde. . . 

Qui a dure tant longuement 

(.vii. ans tos plains entirement) 

Entre la gent Saint-Dominique 

Et eels qui lisent de logique. . . . 

II s'acorderent a la pes, 

Sanz commencier guerre james: . . . 

Mestre Guillaume au roi vint, . . . 

Si dist: "Sire, nous sons en mise 

Par le dit et par la devise 

Que li prelat deviseront: 

Ne sai se cil la briseront." 

Li rois jura: "En non de mi ! 

II m'auront tout a anemi 

S'ils la brisent. ..." 

Li mestres parti du palais, . . . 

Sanz ce que puis ne mesf&st; 

Ne la pais pas ne desfeist, 

Si Fescilla sanz plusvenir. 



THE DEFENCE OF GTJILLAUME DE SAINT-AMOUR 123 

Doit cis escillemenz s£oir? 
Nenil, qui a droit jugeroit, 
Qui droiture et s'ame ameroit. 

{Diz de Maitre Guillaume de Saint-Amour) 4 

In the poem just cited the attack is direct and logical; its 
emotional counterpart is the Complainte Maitre Guillaume de 
Saint- Amour, wholly lyrical in character, languishing, imagina- 
tive. Holy Church bewails her desolation: 

" Vous qui alez parmi la voie, 
Arrestez vous, et chascuns voie 
S'il est dolor tel com la moie," 

Dist Sainte Yglise. 
" Je suis sor ferme pierre assise: 
La pierre esgrume et fent et brise, 

Et je chancele. . . . 
Com sont li mien mort et trahi 
Et por la verite hai 

Sanz jugement ! . . . 
Li mien sont tenu por musart, 

Et je Tcompere: 
Pris ont Cesar, pris ont Saint-Pere, 
Et s'ont emprisone* mon pere [Guillaume] 

Dedenz sa terre. 

4 Hear, prelates and princes and kings, the wrong and injustice that has 
been done to Master Guillaume: he has been banished from this kingdom. 
. . . Never man died by such wrong. ... In order that you may see 
plainly that I am not mistaken when I pity him, and that it is without 
process of law that he suffers this exile, I set forth the matter before your 
eyes, or right is wrong and truth nothing. You have surely heard of the 
discord . . . which has lasted so long (full seven years altogether) between 
the Dominicans and those who read logic [the scholars of the University] 
. . . [At last] they agreed to a peace, and never to begin strife again. . . . 
Master Guillaume went to the king, and said: "Sire, we agree by word 
and wish [to the peace] which the prelates shall devise. I don't know 
whether they will break it." The king declared: "Faith! they shall have 
me for an enemy if they break it." . . . The master left the palace. ... He 
subsequently committed no misdeed; nor did he break the peace, but yet 
he was exiled without further audience. Was this exile just? Not at all, 
in the eyes of one who should judge fairly, to one who loves justice and 
his own soul. 



124 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Or est fors mis de cest roiaume 

Li bons preudom 
Qui mist cors et vie a bandon ! . . . 
Or est en son pais reclus, 

A Saint-Amor, . . . 
II auroit pais, de ce me vant, 
S'il voloit jurer par convant 

Que voirs fust fable, 
Et tors fust droiz, et Diex deable, 
Et fors de sens fussent resnable, 

Et noirs fust blanz; 
Mes por tant puet user son tans, 
En tel estat, si com je pans, 

Que ce deist, 
Ne que jusques la mesfelst, 
Comment que la chose preist; 

Quar ce seroit 
Desleautez : n'il ne f eroit, 
Ce sai je bien; miex ameroit 

Estre enmurez, 
Ou desfez ou desfigurez, 
N'il n'ert ja si desmesurez, 

Que Diex ne veut: 
Or soit ainsi comme estre puet. 
Encor est Diex la ou il suet, 

Ce sai je bien; . . . 
S'il muert por moi, s'ert de moi plains. 
Voir dires a couste a mains 

Et coustera; 
Mes Diex, qui est et qui sera, 
S'il veut, en pou d'eure fera 

Cest bruit remaindre. . . . 
Se il est por moi sanz amis, 
Diex s'ert en poi d'eure entremis 

De lui secorre. 

(Complainte Guillaume de Saint-Amour) 5 

6 "You who walk by the road, stop, and let each one see whether there 
is grief like unto my grief," said Holy Church. "I am seated upon a firm 
rock. The rock crumbles and splits and breaks, and I totter. . . . How 



THE DEFENCE OF GTJILLAUME DE SAINT-AMOUR 125 

De Sainte Eglise contains a contemptuous allusion to the 
author of the Evangelium ceternum, as the " fifth evangelist," 
and would consign the promulgators of the "new gospel" to 
wander among the beasts of the field, which they resemble. 

In the Bataille des Vices contre les Vertus Rutebeuf expresses 
the growing alarm excited by the pretensions of the new orders 
to control not only the religious, but also civil and private life. 
The marked deterioration in the character of the monks since 
the days of their founders did not tend to allay these appre- 
hensions. The poem may be dated about the year 1270. 

N'a pas bien .lx. et .x. anz, 

Que ces, .ij . saintes ordres vinrent. . . . 

Por preschier humilite 

Qui est voie de v6rite, 

Por Fessaucier et por Fensivre, 

Si comme il truevent en lor livre, 

Vindrent ces saintes genz en terre .... 

Quant il vindrent premierement, 

Si vindrent assez humblement : 

are my saints betrayed and put to death and hated for the truth's sake 
without form of justice? . . . My own are derided and I endure it : Caesar 
and the Holy Father have seized them, and they have imprisoned my 
father [Guillaume]] within his own estates. . . . Now he, the good and 
upright man, who risked body and life freely, has been banished from this 
kingdom! . . . Now he is confined in his own country, at Saint-Amour. 
... He would have peace, of this I am sure, if he were willing to swear 
that false is true, and wrong is right, and the Devil God, and senseless 
reasonable, and black white; but he would far rather spend his life, so I 
think, in his present condition than to say such baseness; nor would he 
act so wickedly, however the matter should end, for this would be unfaith- 
fulness; he would not do it, I am sure; he would prefer to be imprisoned 
or killed or mutilated. Never will he be so lacking in strength, for God 
does not will it. Now whatever the result, God is still wherever Guillaume 
is, I know well. ... If he dies for me [the Church], he will be lamented 
by me. . . . Speaking the truth has proved and will prove costly to many 
a one; but God, who is and who shall be, can, if he wills, soon quiet this 
noise. ... If he is without friends for my sake, God will soon intervene 
to aid him." 



126 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Du pain quistrent, tel fu la riegle, 

Por oster les pechiez du siecle. . . . 

Humilitez estoit petite 

Qu'il avoient por aus eslite: 

Or est Humilitez greignor 

Que li frere sont or seignor 

Des rois, des prelas et des contes. 

Par foi, si feroit or granz hontes 

S'il n'avoient autre viande 

Que l'Escripture ne demande, . . . 

Et or est bien droiz et resons 

Que si granz dame ait granz mesons 

Et biaus palais et beles sales, 

Maugre toutes les langues males, 

Et la Rutebeuf tout premiers, 

Qui d'aus blasmer fu coustumiers. . . . 

Et li frere qui la maintienent 

Tout le roiaume en lor main tienent; 

Les secrez encerchent et quierent, . . . 

S'on les lest entrer es mesons 

II i a [des] bones resons: 

L'une est qu'il portent bone bouche, 

Et chascuns doit douter reprouche; . . . 

. . . trestoute la char herice 

Au mauves qui les voit venir: 

Tart li est qu'il puisse tenir 

Chose qui lor soit bone et bele: 

Quar il sevent mainte novele. 

Si lor fet cil joie et feste 

Por ce qu'il se coute d'enqueste. 

(Bataille des Vices contre les Vertus) 6 

6 It is not quite seventy years since these two holy orders came . . . 
to preach humility, which is the path of truth, to exalt it and to follow it, 
as they find in their book, these holy people came into the country. When 
they came at first, they came humbly; they begged their bread, such 
was the rule, to take away the sins of the world. . . . Humility was little, 
the virtue they had chosen for their own; now is Humility greater, for 
the friars are now lords of kings, of prelates and of counts. By my faith, 
now it would be a great shame if they had not other food than their rule 
prescribes. . . . Now is it right and reasonable that so great a dame should 



THE DEFENCE OF GUILLAUME DE SAINT-AMOUR 127 

After lamenting the death of a true friend of Guillaume de 
Saint- Amour, the Canon of Beauvais, Chretien, Rutebeuf makes 
once again the charge that the wrong done to Guillaume is 
also an encroachment upon secular rights: 

Deboneretez et dame Ire, . . . 

Vindrent, lor genz toutes rengies, . . . 

Devant l'apostoile Alixandre, . . . 

Li frere Jacobin i furent 

Por oir droit si com me il durent, 

Et Guillaume de Saint-Amour, 

Quar il avoient fet clamor 

De ses sermons, de ses paroles. 

Si m'est avis que l'apostoles 

Bani icel mestre Guillaume 

D'autrui terre et d'autre roiaume. 

S'il a partout tel avantage, 

Baron i ont honte et domage, 

Qu'ainsi n'ont il rien en lor terre. . . . 

Or dient mult de bone gent, 

Cui il ne fu ne bel ne gent 

Qu'il fust baniz, c'on li fist tort; 

Mes ce sachent et droit et tort 

C'on puet bien trop dire trop de voir; 

Bien le poez apercevoir 

Par cestui qui en fu banis, 

Et si ne fu mie fenis 

Li plais, ainz dura par grant piece. 

(Bataille des Vices contre les Vertus) 7 

have great houses and beautiful halls and beautiful palaces, in spite of 
malicious tongues and that of Rutebeuf first of all, who was wont to blame 
them. . . . And the Friars who profess humility hold all the kingdom in 
their hands. They seek out and search into secrets. If they are admitted 
into men's houses, there is good reason for it. One is that they have sharp 
tongues, and every one fears slander. . . . The wicked man's flesh creeps 
when he sees them coming; it is hard for him to keep anything which they 
think good and beautiful, for they can tell many a tale. So he receives 
them with [pretended] joy and feasts them because he fears inquiry. 

7 Goodness and Dame Wrath . . . came with all their people ranged 
about them . . . before Pope Alexander. . . . The Dominican Friars were 



128 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Jean de Meung set down in allegorical form the same judg- 
ment. Among other doctrines displeasing to the Friars, Guil- 
laume had taught that the monks should support themselves 
by labor on their lands. False-Semblant says, not in character, 
but expressing the author's views: 

Ja ne m'a'ist ne pains ne vins, 

S'il n'avoit en sa verite 

L'acort de l'Universite 

Et du pueple communement, 

Qui ooient son preschement . . . 

Car ge ne m'en teroie mie, 

Se perdre en devoie la vie 

Ou estre mis, contre droiture, 

Comme sains Pous, en chartre oscure 

Ou estre bannis du roiaume 

A tort, cum fu mestre Guillaume 

De Saint Amor, qu'Ypocrisie 

Fist essilier, par grant envie. 

Ma mere [Ypocrisie] en essil le chaga. 

Le vaillant home tant braca 

Por verite qu'il soustenoit, 

Vers ma mere trop mesprenoit, 

Por ce qu'il fist un novel livre [De Periculis] 

Ou sa vie fist toute escrivre. 

Et voloit que je renoiasse 

Mendicite et laborasse 

Se ge n'avoie de quoi vivre. ,_ , ' ini1 „ 8 

(Roman de la rose, 12417) 8 

there to hear judgment as they should, and Guillaume de Saint- Amour, 
for they had raised a great clamor about his sermons and his conversation. 
In my opinion the pope banished Master Guillaume from the land and 
kingdom of another. If he has everywhere such advantage, the lords 
have shame and harm from it, for they have no rights over their own 
land. . . . Now many good people say that it was neither good nor fitting 
to banish him, that he was wronged; but they know that, right or wrong, 
one may easily speak too much truth. This you may see from the case 
of him who was banished for this very thing, and so the question was not 
at all settled, but will last for a long time. 

8 May bread and wine fail me, if he [Guillaume] had not in his speaking 
of the truth the assent of the University and of the people in general, of 



THE DEFENCE OF GUILLAUME DE SAINT-AMOUR 129 

In the University Jean de Meung saw the last hope of 
religion. 

Et se ne fust la bone garde 

De l'Universite qui garde 

La clef de la crestiente, 

Tout eust este tormente, 

Quant par mauvese entencion, 

En Tan de Flncarnacion 

Mil et deus cens cine et cinquante . . . 

Fu bailies . . . 

Uns livres de par le deable: 

C'est FEvangile pardurable. . . . 

Bien est digne d'estre brusle. . . . 

La trovast par grant mesprison 

Mainte tele comparaison: 

Autant cum par sa grant valor, 

Soit de clarte, soit de chalor, 

Sormonte li solaus la lune, . . . 

Et li noiaus des nois la coque, . . . 

Tant sormonte ceste Evangile 

Ceus que li quatre evangelistres 

Jhesu-Crist firent a lor tistres. 

(Roman de la rose, 12729) 9 

all who heard his preaching, for I would not be silent at all, if I had to lose 
my life for speaking, or to be put, contrary to right, in a dark prison like 
Saint Paul, or to be banished from the kingdom unjustly as was Master 
Guillaume de Saint-Amour, whom Hypocrisy caused to be exiled through 
great malice. My mother [Hypocrisy] drove him into exile. The valiant 
man endured much because he supported the truth, and because he injured 
my mother, by composing a new book [De Periculis] in which he wrote 
her entire history, and required that I should give up begging and should 
labor if I lacked means of livelihood. 

9 And if it had not been for the sharp watch of the University, which 
keeps the key of Christianity, every thing [good] would have been over- 
thrown, when by evil intent in the year of the Incarnation 1255, . . . there 
was issued by the help of the Devil a book, namely, the Evangelium oeter- 
num. It well deserves to be burned. . . . Therein could be found written 
by great presumption many such a comparison: — -as much as the sun 
surpasses the moon, both in brilliancy and heat, and the meat of the nut 
the shell, ... so much this Evangel surpasses those which the four 
apostles of Jesus Christ composed. 



130 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

A comparison of the accusations made by Rutebeuf and Jean 
de Meung with these of the writers whose works fall between 
1150 and 1230 reveals some interesting points of difference. 
The main charges of the earlier moralists were greed, indul- 
gence and self-seeking, faults black enough certainly in spiri- 
tual advisers. But Rutebeuf and Jean de Meung scented the 
chief danger in the solidarity of organization of the new orders. 
They had won over the king; they had made pacts with Rome; 
the strength of a single order had banished a man of Guil- 
laume's high standing. Accordingly the later poets had little 
to say concerning the secular clergy — who, indeed, had their 
own grievances against the monks — reserving their shafts for 
the brotherhoods, in whose ambition they found a real danger 
to society. 

The earlier indictments, moreover, while quite bold enough 
to bring their authors into disfavor with their ecclesiastical 
superiors, were more general in nature. Rutebeuf called every 
order by name, and was careful to give each gibe an appropriate- 
ness that would rankle long. 

Of the many verses composed by Rutebeuf as attacks on the 
foes of the University Les Ordres de Paris and La Chanson des 
Ordres are interesting because of their popular appeal; the 
poet points a jeering finger at the badges of the order; he en- 
forces his sneer with the satirist's devices of the pun and the 
refrain. 

Par maint samblant, par mainte guise 

Font cil qui n'ont ouvraingne aprise 

Par qu'ils puissent avoir chevance; 

Li un vestent coutelle grise 

Et li autre vont sans chemise: 

Si font savoir lor p^nitance. 

Li autre par fauce semblance 

Sont signeur de Paris en France; 

Si ont ja la cite* pourprise. . . . 

Li Jacobin sont si preudoume 

Qu'il ont Paris et si ont Roume, 

Et si sont roi et apostole, 



THE DEFENCE OF GUILLAUME DE SAINT- AMOUR 131 

Et de T avoir ont il grant soume. 

Et qui se muert, se il ne's noume 

Pour executeurs, s'ame afole: . . . 

N'uns n'en dit voir, c'on ne Fasoume : 

Lor haine n'est pas frivole. . . . 

Se li Cordelier pour la corde 

Pueent avoir le Dieu acorde, 

Buer font de la corde encorde. 

La Dame de misericorde, 

Ce dient il, a eus s'acorde, 

Dont ja ne seront descorde; 

Mais Ten m'a dit et recorde 

Que tes montre au disne cors De 

Semblant d'amour qui s'en descorde: 

N'a pas granment que concorde 

Fu par un d'aux et acordei 

Un livre dont je me descorde.* . . . 

Li Vaux des Escoliers m'enchante 

Qui quierent pain et si ont rente 

Et vont a chevaul et a pie. 

L'Universitei la dolante, 

Qui se complaint et se demante, 

Trueve en eux petit d'amistie, 

Ce ele d'ex eust pitie, 

Mais il se sont bien acquitie 

De ce que FEscriture chante: 

"Quant om at mauvais respitie, 

Trueve Fan puis Fanemistie; 

Car li mauz fruiz ist de male ente." 

(Ordres de Paris) 10 

10 Many a false profession, many a pretence is practiced by those who 
have learned no trade by which they can gain a living. Some wear a grey 
frock [the Franciscans], and others go without a shirt [the Dominicans]: 
so they display their penitence. Others through deceit are lords of Paris 
in France; they have taken possession of the city. . . . The Dominicans 
are so powerful that they rule Paris and they rule Rome, and they are 
kings and popes, and they own a great amount of property. If a dying man 
does not name them for executors, his soul is lost. No one speaks the truth 
about them without being silenced. Their hatred is no light matter. . . . 
If the Franciscans by their cord are accorded the favor of God, they did 



132 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Du siecle vueil chanter 
Que je voi enchanter; 
Tel vens porra venter 
Qu'il n'ira mie ainsi. 
Papelart et Beguin 
Ont le siecle honi. 

Tant d'ordres avons ja 
Ne sai qui les sonja, 
Ainz Diex tels genz noma 
N'il ne sont si ami. 
Papelart etc. 

Frere Predicator 
Sont de mult simple ator, 
Et s'ont en lor destor 
Mainte bon parisi. 
Papelart etc. 

Et li Frere Menu 
Nous ont si pres tenu 
Que il ont retenu 
De P avoir autressi. 
Papelart etc. 

Qui ces .ij. n'obeist 
Et qui ne lor gehist 
Quanqu'il oncques feist, 
Tels bougres ne nasqui. 
Papelart etc. 

well to encord themselves with the cord. Our Lady of pity [misericorde), 
they say, is in so close concord with them that they will never be uncorded. 
But people have told me and recorded that many a one at the sacrament 
(cors De) makes pretence of love with which his life is discordant. It 
is not long since a book whose views are discordant with mine (Evangelium 
ceternum), was declared in complete accord and concord with theirs. . . . 
The Val-des-Ecoliers please me because they beg their bread and also 
have property, and go both on foot and on horseback. The afflicted Uni- 
versity, which laments and is distracted, finds in them little friendship. 
Although it had pity upon them, yet they lightly forgot their debt, just 
as the Scripture says: "When one aids a bad man, one gets enmity in 
return; for bad fruit comes forth from a bad graft. " 



THE DEFENCE OF GUILLAUME DE SAINT-AMOUE 133 

Assez dient de bien, 
Ne sai s'il en font rien; 
Qui lor done du sien 
Tel preudomme ne vi. 
Papelart et Beguin 
Ont le siecle honi. 

{Chanson des Ordres) u 

I have treated the story of Guillaume de Saint-Amour thus 
at length because it furnishes the best refutation of the current 
opinion that until the time of Luther men submitted to ecclesi- 
astical tyranny. In his defence of truth Guillaume was quite 
as unflinching as the German reformer, and without the sup- 
port of a princely protector; and, further, the scholars and 
poets who stood around Guillaume were men who dared to 
think for themselves, unhampered by slavish adherence to 
time-honored institutions.* 

II I wish to sing of the age that seems bewitched. Such a wind may 
blow as shall change all that. Papelard and Beguin have dishonored the 
age. We have so many orders, I don't know who created them. I know 
that God never instituted them, nor are they his friends. Papelard etc. 
The Preaching Friars [the Dominicans]] are humble in appearance, and 
have laid up for themselves in their poverty a goodly store of coins. Pape- 
lard etc. And the Fratres Minores [the Franciscans] have held us so close 
to themselves that they have retained most of others' property. Pape- 
lard etc. If a man does not obey these two orders and confess to them all 
he ever did, such a heretic was never born. Papelard etc. They talk 
much about goodness; I have never heard that they practiced it. If a 
man gives them his wealth, such a fine man was never seen. Papelard etc. 



CHAPTER IV 

DISSENT FEOM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 

Staunch as were Rutebeuf, Guillaume de Saint-Amour and 
the scholars of the University of Paris in defending their rights 
even against the pope, they were, nevertheless, orthodox church- 
men. Considering the stress laid by the Church on correct 
belief and the efficacious means at its command to enforce con- 
formity, it would not be strange if no clerics of standing had 
cared to express dissent from the authorized teaching. Yet even 
in the realm of doctrine the evidence of literature shows that 
the Church was by no means so dominant as both its friends 
and its enemies have asserted. A rationalizing spirit was wide- 
spread among the people as early as the thirteenth century. 
Helinant, Gautier de Coincy, the poet of Chante-Pleure, 
Guillaume le Clerc, Friar Lorens, Philippe de Novare, deplore 
the popular skepticism in regard to miracles, the resurrec- 
tion, transubstantiation and the incarnation. Equally remote 
from deference to orthodox opinion was the gay verse favored 
in the courts of the nobles, particularly in southern France. 
At the base of this care-free song was not only impatience with 
the restraint imposed upon pleasure-seekers by the Church, 
but also a quarrel with ecclesiastical values, a tendency to judge 
abstruse speculations by their actual ethical outcome. And, 
finally, more important than the rejection of any specific dogma 
was a marked tendency to exalt the function of reason in 
matters of belief. 

It may be fair to assume that when the laity applied to meta- 
physical doctrines everyday analogues, the result of their 
thinking was crude in the extreme. Even today the theologian 
has to complain of the inadequacy of common-sense standards 



DISSENT FKOM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 135 

to measure the mysteries of religion. The medieval ecclesias- 
tical writers, have then reproduced, not exaggerated, the mis- 
apprehensions and coarseness of sentiment of the popular 
objections. Yet the student who is more interested in the 
growth of freedom of thought than in absolute correctness of 
opinion will pardon these blemishes as the necessary marks of 
a certain early intellectual stage, and as of better augury than 
perfunctory repetition of articles of belief.* 

Contemporary writers did not regard their own age as an 
age of faith. The pious monk of Froidmont shuddered at the 
Epicureanism of his day: 

... Li fol dient: "Nos que chaille 
De quel eure morz nos assaille? 
Prendons or le bien qui nos vient ! 
Apres, que puet valoir si vaille; 
Morz est la fins de la bataille 
Et ame et cors noient devient. " 

(Vers de la Mort, st. 34) x 

The authors of Chante-Pleure and of the Mireour du monde 
echo the same lament: 

Li bougres, li parfez, icil qui riens ne croit 

Ne cuide pas qu'enfers ne que paradis soit, 

Ne qu'il ait ame et [1. el] cors por ce qu'il ne l'sentoit, 

Ainz pensse li parfont que pechiez le decoit. 

"Comment," fet soi li bougres, "puet estre verite, 
Quar li clerc nos ra content en lor divinite 
Quant Tame est espenie et el vient devant De, 
Dient qu'ele est plus bele que li cors n'ait este. 

" Je ne Tporoie croire," dist li bougres parfet, 
"Ce qu'Escripture dist ne que clergie retret; 
D'une vieille bocue et d'un vilain contret, 
Comment ert Fame bele quant li cors est si let?" 

1 Fools say: — "What do we care at what hour death assails us? Let 
us take now the good that comes to us ! Afterwards let happen what will. 
Death is the end of the battle, and soul and body perish together." 



136 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Si fete gent sont bien mescreant a veue: 
Dient qu'ame de cors ne change ne ne mue. 

In vain the priest explained that the marvel is no greater than 
the production of green leaves and red roses from the same 
stalk, or a black hen's laying white eggs, still the incredulous 
resisted : 

Or i a autres bougres si de Dieu mescreant 

Qu'il [1. Que il] ne cuident mie que Dieu soit si poissant, 

Quant li mors est poris, qu'en autre tel semblant 

Le puisse Diex refere comme il estoit devant. 

(Chante-Pleure, v. Rutebeuf, ed. Jubinal, iii, p. 96) 2 

Le plus grant orguel qui soit, c'est Bougrerie. N'est ce 
mie grant orguel, quant un vilain ou une vielle qui ne seut 
onques sa patrenotre a droit,, cuide plus savoir de divinite que 
tous les clers de Paris, . . . et ne veut croirre que Dieu sache 
faire chose en terre que il ne puist entendre. Dont, pour ce 
qu'il ne puet entendre ne voir comment un homme entier 
puet estre en cele oublee que le prestre tient a l'autel, pour 
ce ne veut il croirre que ce soit vraiment le cors Dieu. 

(Mireour du monde, p. 51) 3 

Gautier de Coincy berated doubters in good round terms. 
He certainly did not select faith as the characteristic virtue 
of his time. 

2 The out-and-out heretic, he who believes nothing, thinks that there is 
neither Hell or Heaven, and denies that he has a soul as well as a body, 
because he does not perceive it. So the unbeliever thinks, for sin deceives 
him. "How," says the unbeliever, "can it be true, what the clergy tell 
us in their theology. They say that when the soul is purified and comes 
before God, it is more beautiful than the body was. I could not believe," 
says the unbeliever, "what the Scripture says and the clergy teach. How 
can the soul of an old deformed woman or of a crippled peasant be beautiful 
when the body is so ugly?" Such people are plainly misbelievers: they 
say that the soul never separates from the body. Now there are other 
heretics with so little faith in God that they do not believe that God is 
powerful enough, when the dead body has decayed, to raise it up in another 
kind [living as], it was before. 

3 The greatest pride of all is unbelief. Is it not pride when an old man 
or an old woman, who never knew the paternoster correctly, thinks to 



DISSENT FROM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 137 

... II sunt maint larron prouve 

Qu'il mil miracles tant soit granz 

Ne prisent mie leur viez ganz. . . . 

Ne croient pas sainte escripture 

Li mescreanz, li faus herite, . . . 

Des miracles le Sauveur 

Si bien com font un jongleur 

De Renouart au grant tinel. . . .* 

Assez sont cler, assez sont lai 

Qui de croire voi sont si laniers, 

Que ne plus voirs c'uns viez paniers, 

Ne tient leur cuer ne foi ne creance, . . . 

Li mescr£ant qui pas ne croient 

Que Diex tant de pooir eust 

Que de virge nestre peust. 

(Miracle de Notre Dame de Sardenay, 574-706) 4 

. . . Je voi aucunes gens. . . . 
[Qui] la douceur ne voient mie 
De Madame Sainte Marie. 
Nes des lettrez sai je de tieus, 
Qui de venin sont si gletieus, 
Que leur cuer point ne se delite 
En la grace Saint Esperite. . . . 
Simples genz font souvent douter, 
Por ce qu'il gabent et qu'il rient 
D'aucunes choses que cil dient. . . . 

know more of divinity than all the clergy of Paris, . . . and can not 
believe that God can do anything on earth that he [or she] can not under- 
stand? And so because such a one cannot see or understand how an entire 
man can be in the wafer which the priest holds at the altar, therefore he 
will not believe that the wafer is really the body of God. 

4 There are many proved rascals who prize no miracle, however great, 
more than their old gloves. . . . These miscreants, these false heretics, 
do not believe the holy Scriptures concerning the miracles of the Saviour 
as much as they do a jongleur of Raynouard with his big stick. . . . There 
are many of the clergy, there are many of the laity, who are so base that 
their heart holds neither faith nor belief any more than an old basket 
[holds water], . . . the miscreants, who do not believe that God could be 
born of a virgin. 



138 THE SPIEIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Tant sont felon et deputaire, 
Que miracles n'aimment ne orient. . . . 
A done si dient qu'autentique, 
Ne vrai ne sunt pas si miracles. 
(Miracle de la fame qui recouvra son nez, 513-591) 5 

Vie de saints, vie de saintes 
Tiennent a fables et a f aintes, . . . 
Nes les miracles Nostre Dame. . . . 
Pour ce s'aucun sermoneur, 
Gouliardois et jongleeur . . . 
Fauz miracles font a la foiz . . . [il dient] 
Que les miracles Nostre Dame 
Sont ausi faus et controuve\ 

(Miracle de Notre Dame a" Arras, 457-491) 6 

The violence of Gautier's denunciations shows that the 
number of those who cared little for the authority of the 
Church was considerable. He would kill heretics "as readily 
as he would eat." 

les haiz de mort ausi fait Dex. . . . 
Ha ! ha ! ha ! ha ! larron prouve ! 
Larron, larron, larron, murtrier, 
Pire que cil qui fist murtre ier. . . . 
Por aus bailie ja enfers. . . . 

(Miracle de Notre Dame d' Arras, 480) 7 

5 I see some people . . . who do not believe at all in the sweetness of 
our Lady, Saint Mary. Even among the learned I know some that are 
so poisoned with venom that their hearts do not delight in the grace of the 
Holy Spirit. . . . They inspire doubt among humble people because they 
laugh and joke at some of their sayings. . . . They are so wicked and 
perverse that they neither love nor believe miracles. . . . They say that 
miracles are not genuine or true. 

6 They hold the lives of saints for fables and fictions, even the miracles 
of Our Lady. . . . Therefore if any speech-maker, goliard or jongleur 
ever performs pretended wonders, they say that the miracles of Our Lady 
are equally false concoctions. 

7 I hate them with a deadly hatred, just as God does. . . . Ah! Ah! 
thieves proved! thieves, thieves, thieves, murderers, worse than he who 
committed murder yesterday! . . . For them Hell yawns. 



DISSENT FKOM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 139 

Vilain si fol sunt et si rade, 

Que bestial sunt comme bestes; 

Ne veulent mais garder les festes, 

Ne faire riens que prestres die. 

Nes quant on en escommenie, 

Si vont il arer et hercier, 

Buissons derompre et huys percier. . . . 

Ne doutent Dieu ne que mouton, 

Ne ne donrroient un bouton 

Des sainz commanz sainte Eglise. . . . 

Pluseur vilain clerc heent trop 

Ausi com Esau Jacob. 

Touz les heent et guerroient; 

Moult en y a qui touz vourroient 

Clers et prouvoires avoir mors. 

L'autrier me dist un vilain ors . . . 

Qu'il vorroit qu'il ne fust c'un prestre 

Par tout le mont sus et jus, 

Et cil pendist touz tens lassus 

En une viez corbeille as nues. 

La sejornast avec les grues 

Si haut que tout le mont Foist, 

Ne taire ja ne se poist; . . . 

Tant parh^et clers, qu'encor dist il . . . 

Qu'avoir vorroit coupe un doit, 

Qu' estrangle fussent d'un lingneul 

Tuit cil qui portent chapineul. . . . 

Si font il communement, 

Touz clercs heent moult noirement. . . . 

Mais plus ne m'i debaterai, . . . 

Que mors n'i soie ou debatuz. 

(Miracle du vilain qui ne savait la moitie 

de son Ave Maria, 354-513) 8 

8 The peasants are so foolish and bold that they are more bestial than 
the beasts. They will not keep the feasts or do anything that the priests 
tell them. Even when the priests excommunicate some of them, they go 
on ploughing and harrowing, tearing up bushes and making openings. . . . 
They fear God no more than sheep do, and they would not give a button 
for the commands of holy Church. . . . Many peasants hate the clergy 



140 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

In his Bestiaire, Guillaume le Clerc, author of the Besant de 
Dieu, of which frequent use has been made in the present study, 
speaks of skepticism in regard to the mysteries of the faith as 
not uncommon. He had been interpreting the legend of the 
phoenix. The wondrous bird, he explains, signifies our Lord. 

En Falter de la croiz sacree, 
Qui tant est dolce e savoree, 
Fu sacrefiez cist oisels, 
Qui al terz jor resorst novels. 
Mes plusors ne voelent pas creire, 
Que la chose seit issi veire. 

(Bestiaire, 1. 793) 

It should be noted to the praise of Guillaume that, in com- 
menting on the unbelief of his generaton as throughout the 
book, he showed himself the devout and temperate scholar. 
Far from indulging in vituperation against scoffers, as did 
Gautier de Coincy, he gently deprecated their folly. 

Si ont grant tort, ceo m'est avis. 

(Bestiaire, 1. 799) 9 



exceedingly, just as Esau did Jacob. They hate them all and they con- 
tend with them; there are many who would like all priests and preben- 
daries to be dead. The other day a rough peasant said to me that he 
should be glad if there were only one priest in the whole world, high and 
low, and he were suspended forever in an old basket above in the clouds; 
there he might dwell with the cranes so high that all the world should 
hear him, nor could he ever be silent. ... So greatly he hated the clergy 
that he said further . . . that he would gladly lose a finger if all those 
wearing the cope were strangled with a cord. ... So the peasants usually 
talk. They hate all priests violently. But since they often kill and beat 
those who oppose their follies, I will not reprove them further lest I be 
killed or beaten. 

9 On the altar of the sacred cross, which is so sweet and full of grace, 
this bird was sacrificed, and on the third day it rose again in fresh strength. 
But many will not believe that the fact is so ... and these are very 
wrong, so it seems to me. 



DISSENT FROM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 141 

Philippe de Novare had observed the same incredulity: 

Plusors fous i a desesperez, qui en bourdant forfont un 
trop grant pechie: . . . ce sont cil qui blasment les oevres 
celestiaus et terrienes que li Peres createurs fist. . . . Entre 
les autres choses, dient : " Pourquoi fist Dieus home, por avoir 
poine et travail ou siecle et tribulations, des qu'il nest jusqu'a 
la mort? Et a la fin, se il le trueve en aucun mesfait, si va en 
anfer; portant ne le delist ja Dieus avoir fait." Ce dient, 
et autres mescreanz i a, qui dient que touz jors a este et est 
et sera cestui siecle, ne autres ne fu onques, ne est, ne ne 
sera. 

(Quatre tenz d'aage d'ome, % 140) 10 

In the South of France the flippant tone of Peire Cardenal 
in regard to eternal punishment argues an amused circle of 
hearers among the Provencal nobles, a circle that owned but 
slight allegiance to their orthodox religious teachers. The 
impiety of Heine's advice to his "lieber Gott" is here paralleled, 
and we are still in the ages of faith and reverence. 

Un sirventes novel vuelh comensar 
Que retrairai al jorn del jutjamen 
A selh que m fetz e m formet de nien; 
Si '1 me cuia de ren ochaizonar, 
E si '1 me vol metre en la diablia, 
leu li dirai: Senher, merce no sia, 
Qu'el mal segle trebaliey totz mos ans, 
E guardatz me, si us plai, dels turmentans. 

10 There are many fools in desperate case, who by jesting commit a 
very great sin: I mean those who find fault with the works celestial and 
terrestrial which the Father and Creator made. . . . Among other things 
they say: "Why did God make man to have pain and labor and tribula- 
tion in this world, from the time he was born till the day of his death? 
And at the end, if God finds him in any fault, he goes to Hell; surely God 
ought not to have done this." They say this, and other unbelievers there 
are, who say that this world always has been and is now and will be, and 
that other world there never was or is or will be. 



142 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Tota sa cortz farai meravilhar, 
Quant auziran lo mieu plaideyamen; 
Qu'ieu die qu'el fai ves los sieus fallimen, 
Si '1 los cuia delir ni enfernar; 
Quar qui pert so que guazanhar poiria, 
Per bon dreg a de viutat carestia; 
Qu'el deu esser dous e multiplicans 
De retener sas armas trespassans. 

Ja sa porta non si degra vedar, 
E sans Peires pren hi gran aunimen, 
Quar n'es portiers, mas que y intres rizen 
Quascun' arma que lai volgues intrar. 
Quar nulha cortz non er ja ben complia 
Que Tuns en plor e que l'autres en ria, 
E sitot s'es sobeirans reys poyssans, 
Si no ns obre, sera li 'n faitz demans. 

Los diables degra dezeretar 
Et agra en mais d'armas pus soven, 
E'l dezeret plagra a tota gen, . . . 
Bel senher dieus, siatz desheretans 
Dels enemicx enoios e pezans. 

leu no mi vuelh de vos dezesperar, 

Ans ai en vos mon bon esperamen; 

Per que devetz m'arma e mon cors salvar, 

E que m valhatz a mon trespassamen; 

E far vos ai una bella partia, 

Que m tornetz lai don muec lo premier dia, 

que m siatz de mos tortz perdonans; 

Qu'ieu no'ls feira, si no fos natz enans. 

S'ieu ai sai mal, et en y fern ardia, 
Segon ma fe, tortz e peccatz seria; 
Qu'ieu vos puesc be esser recastinans, 
Que per un ben ai de mal mil aitans. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, p. 364) u 

11 A new sirventes I will begin which I shall recite on the day of Judg- 
ment to him who made me and formed me out of nothing. If he intends 



DISSENT FROM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 143 

The patronizing tone of the poet towards the anthropomor- 
phic deity of the common folk recalls the remark attributed 
to Alfonso of Castile, himself a member of the troubadour 
circle: "If God had consulted me when he made the world, 
I could have given him some good advice." The tone is 
re-echoed in a tenson by Daspol, addressed, according to 
Meyer (Les derniers troubadours de France, p. 38), to James I, 
King of Aragon. Nothing more is known of Daspol except 
that after 1270 he composed also a Complainte on the death of 
Louis IX. The tenson is a transcript of a dream of the poet. 
Daspol is present at a session of the celestial parliament. The 
Lord is complaining that men show little zeal for the Holy Wars. 
Whereupon Daspol rising interposes "cleverly," admonishing 
the Deity that, if he expects human support, he must distrib- 
ute temporal blessings with more regard to the fitness of the 

to accuse me of any sin, and means to give me over to the devil, I shall 
say to him: Lord, in thy mercy let this not be, for in the wicked world 
I have suffered all my years, but guard me, if it please thee, from the 
tormentors. All his court I shall cause to wonder when they shall hear 
my pleading, for I shall say that he acts unjustly towards his own if he 
intends to destroy them or to consign them to Hell; for he who loses what 
he might gain, justly has lack because of his baseness, since he should be 
gentle and liberal in keeping his dying souls. Never should he forbid his 
door [to any], and Saint Peter merits great shame from his office — for 
he is the doorkeeper — unless every soul that desires to enter there [is 
allowed to] enter smiling. For no court will ever be perfect if one weeps 
there, while another smiles, and although God is the sovereign and power- 
ful king, if he does not open to us, he will be asked to do so. He ought to 
drive out the devils; then he would gain more souls and more often, and 
the banishment would please everybody. . . . Dear Lord God, do set 
about destroying these vexatious and dangerous enemies. 

I will not despair of you; rather I found my good hope upon you; 
therefore you ought to save my soul and body, and aid me in the hour of 
death. And I have a fair proposal to make to you: that you either send 
me back whence I came the first day [of my life] or pardon me my sins, 
since I should not have committed these sins if I had not been born. By 
my faith, it would be wrong and unjust if I have evil in this world and 
should burn in Hell. [In that case] I could reproach you with reason, 
since for a single good I should have a thousand times as much ill. . . . 



144 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

recipient. Daspol will not be put off with a promise of retri- 
bution upon the wicked after death. He further objects that 
the God of Battles favors the Saracen arms, and asks why 
divine grace does not descend so plenteously upon the hearts 
of the infidels as to melt perforce their hardness and so obviate 
all this costly and bloody warfare. The answer of the Lord 
avoids the issue, but affords the poet a gibe at the mendicant 
orders. Daspol then urges a request dear to his own heart, 
one may guess, a petition for perfect equality. No answer is 
vouchsafed, and the tenson ends with a prayer for the poet's 
royal patron. 

Seinhos, aujas, c'aves saber e sen(s) 
Que m'esdevenc F autre ser can dormia: 
Sus el sel fuy on Dieu tenc parlamen, . . . 
E dir vos ai la clamor que tenia 
De crestians com reinhon falsament, 
Car non deman lo sieu sant monument 
Comte ni due ni prinse ni cle[r]sia. 

Et ieu leviei, que respos sapchament: 
Tort n'aves, Dieus, e prendes autra via, 
Car vos donas poder a falsa jent, 
Qu'en fan quex jorn erguell e vilania, 
Qu'il non crezon ni fan ren que bon sia; 
E vos das lor sobras d'aur e d'argent 
Tant que n'estan crestian(s) recrezen(s), 
Car combatre nos pot horn cascun dia. 

— Daspol, car iest contrarios 

Al clers darai tota malaventura, 

Et als ordes tolrai possessions, 

Que s'ar son ricxs, de terns n'auran frachura, 

Pueis dar lur ai malautia mot dura; 

E li prinse perdran indicsions, 

Doncs remanran aunit(z) e vergoinhos 

Tant qu'en efern sera lur sebeutura. . . . 



DISSENT FROM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 145 

— Bel seinher Dieus, ben mot aures parlat, 
E pogras ben revenir sest damnage 
S'al[s] Sarazins donases volontat 

Cascus per si conogues son foliage; 
Pueis non calgra negus annar a rage 
Pueis que cascus conogra sa foudat, 
Car nos prendem mort per lur viell peccat 
E vos es leu quens gites a carnage. 

— Daspol, de Temple e d'Espital 

E dels ordes comensat[z] ab santeza 

S'es devengut qu'en luoc de ben fan mal, . . . 

Car tut(z) son plen(s) d'orguelh e d'avareza. . . . 

— Bel seinher Dieus, la gloria rial 
Pogras emplir s'esquivases lageza; 
Pos conoises que tut(z) son deslial 

Per que[l]s laisas reinhar en lur vileza? 
E pueis le mont si pert per cobezeza, 
Donas nos tant que tut(z) siam egual; 
E pueis serem tut(z) fin e natural, 
Cascun volra pensar de sa nobleza. 

(Derniers troubadours de la France, p. 43) 12 

12 Sirs, since you have knowledge and wisdom, hear what befell me 
the other night while I was sleeping. I was in Heaven above where God 
was holding his parliament, . . . and I will tell you the complaint that 
was made concerning the faithless conduct of Christians inasmuch as 
counts and dukes and princes and priests do not press for the recovery 
of his holy monument. And I rose and replied discreetly: "You are 
wrong, O God, and should pursue another course, for you give power to 
false people, who commit each day some piece of pride or villany, who do 
not believe or do anything good; and yet you give them excess of gold 
and silver so that many Christians suffer thereby, for they can war upon 
us any day." — "Daspol, since you are so indignant, I will give ill fortune 
to the clergy, and I will take away from the orders their possessions, so 
that if they are now rich, hereafter they shall have want because of it; 
then I will give to them trouble very grievous; and the princes shall lose 
their powers; then they shall remain shamed and disgraced until in Hell 
shall be their sepulchre. . . ." — "My gracious Lord, you will have 
spoken to the purpose, and you will easily be able to prevent this harm if 
you inspire goodness of will in the Saracens so that each one of them shall 



146 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Although these singers of southern France were ready to 
condemn the inhumanity of De Montfort and Louis VIII in 
such satiric songs as those quoted in Chapter II, yet, the 
specific tenets of the heretical sects not interesting these poet 
defenders, little can be learned concerning the heresies of 
Lyons and Albi from literature. The main evidence comes from 
the deposition of prisoners of the Inquisition and reports, 
colored perhaps by the prejudices of the examiners. The 
Nobla leygson and other Provencal pieces are now placed not 
earlier than the fifteenth century, after the primitive doctrine 
had been greatly modified by the influence of reforming sects 
(Montet, Nobla leygson, v. introduction). Certain errors 
with which the Albigenses were charged are mentioned in the 
Novas del heretje (1242 ?), a composition so astonishing that 
one is tempted to impute to its author the grave irony of the 
Shortest Way with Dissenters. There is, however, no evidence 
that the author was not a sincere bigot. The form of the piece 
is a tenson between an inquisitor, Izarn, and a heretic, Sicard 
de Figueiras. Izarn's methods of refutation have at least the 
merit of being effective, for in the end Sicard retracts his errors, 
after stipulating that he be given a suitable reward for his 
apostasy. Although Meyer inclines to accept the recantation 
of Sicard as an historical event, yet the effrontery attributed 
to Sicard throws the record under suspicion. But, shorn of 
the misapprehensions and misrepresentations of an enemy, 
Izarn's charges prove the prevalence of independent theological 

recognize his folly; then no one will care to fight since each will see his 
error. But now we suffer death for their ancient sin, and you care little 
that you are sending us to be slaughtered." — "Daspol, among the Temp- 
lars and the Hospitalers and the orders begun in holiness it has come to 
pass that in place of doing good they do evil, . . . for they are filled with 
pride and avarice." — " My gracious Lord, you would be able to fill your 
regal dignity, if you avoided baseness. Since you know that they are all 
treacherous, why do you allow them to reign in their wickedness? And 
since the world is ruined by covetousness, grant us perfect equality; and 
then we shall all be sincere and filled with natural goodness: each one will 
live according to his inborn nobility." 



DISSENT FROM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 147 

speculation in southern France. The heresies condemned are 
the belief in the inherent evil of matter and the consequent 
dualistic constitution of the universe, the right of the laity to 
administer the sacraments as opposed to the exclusive preroga- 
tive of the priesthood in such offices, the substitution of a 
spiritual for a corporeal resurrection, and a curiously modified 
form of metempsychosis.* 

Diguas me tu, heretje, pari' ap me .j. petit, 
Que (tu) non parlaras gaire que jat sia grazit, 
Si per forsa not ve, segon c'avem auzit. . . . 
Ta fe e ton baptisme renegat e guerpit, 
Car crezes que diables t'a format e bastit, 
E tan mal a obrat e tan mal a ordit, 
Pot dar salvatio (11. 1-7) 

Ar pauzem o aisi com tu dizes que fo, 

Que t'aia fach diable del cap tro al talo, 

Cam et osses e membres d'entorn e d'eviro. ... (11. 46-48) 

Tu non ores que Dieu aia eel ni terra creat, 

Ni lunha ren c'om veya, prezen ni trespassat; ... (11. 135-136) 

After citing authorities, Izarn further strengthens his argument. 

E s'aquestz no vols creyre, vec tel foe aizinat 
Que art tos compahos. ... (11. 150, 151) 

Tu non crez(es) c'om ni femna puesca ressucitar 

Pus a fag pols ni terra, nis vengua razonar 

Davan lo jutjamen on tug devem anar, . . . 

E tu dizes, heretje, cauza que nos pot far 

Nis pot endevenir ni nos pot acabar: 

Dizes que earn novela venra renovelar 

Los esperitz dels homes en ques devo salvar. . . . (U. 229-269) 

Malaventural vengua qui la costuma i mes 
Qu'entre mas de pages baptismes se fezes, 
Que mou de tras las fedas que anc no saup que s'es, 
Letra ni escriptura, ni anc non fon apres 



148 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Mais d'arar e de foire (11. 379-383) 

On atrobas escrig ni don o as avut 

C'aquel teu esperit que tu as receuput 

Sia d'aquels del eel que sai foron plogut, 

Que y ponhero .ix. dias ans que fosson cazut. . . . 

Lucibel. . . . 

Ab tota sa companha qu'eron de son crezut 

Trabuqueron aval: d'angel[s] qu'eron vezut, 

Preclars e resplandens, eron endevengut, 

Que torneron diable fer, negre e morrut, 

Que jamais per lunh temps non trobaran salut, 

Remezi ni merce, que tot o an perdut. . . . 

Pus azaut messorguier non ai en loc saubut, . . . 

Motas messorguas dizes de que non t'ai crezut, 

Mai te volria aver trainat o pendut. 

Di me de cal escola as tu aiso avut 

Que Tesperit de Thome, cant a lo cors perdut, 

Se meta en buou, (o) en aze o en motu cornut, 

En pore o en galina, el premier c'a vezut, 

E va de Tun en T autre, tro que y a cors nascut, 

d'ome o de femna; aqui a loc sauput, 

Aqui fai penedensa et a lone temps tengut 

E tostems o tenra, tro sia endevengut 

Lo dia del juzizi, que deu cobrar salut 

E tornar en [la] gloria el loc que a perdut. 

Aiso fas tu conoisser a Thome deceuput 

C'as donat al diable e Tas de Dieu mogut. . . . 

(11. 452-515) 

Huey mai d'aissi avan non seras esperatz: 
Si aras no't confessas, lo foe es alucatz, 
El corn va per la vilal pobol es amassatz 
Per vezer la justizia, c'ades seras crematz. (11. 526-529) 13 

(Novas del heretje) 

13 Speak to me, heretic, tell me a few things, for thou wilt say little of 
thy free will and without compulsion, according to what we have heard. 
Thou hast denied and abandoned thy faith and thy baptism, for thou 
believest that the Devil has made and formed thee, and though he has 
wrought and woven such evil, can give salvation. . . , Now let us con- 



DISSENT FROM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 149 

In a work written for circulation among a group of clergy- 
men, the Lamenta of Matheolus, occurs at once the greatest 
irreverence and the freest dissent from orthodox tenets. Much 
of the book is veritable buffoonery, yet the author displays a 
keen interest in the mooted questions of the day. He takes 
issue first with the fundamental dogmas of inherited sin and 
the consequent need of redemption. The discussion assumes 

sider how thou explainest creation, that the Devil made thee from head 
to heel, flesh and bones and all parts of the body. . . . Thou dost not 
believe that God created heaven and earth and all visible things, present 
and past. . . . And if thou wilt not believe these [writers of Scripture], 
see the fire all ready, which is burning thy companions. . . . Thou dost 
not believe that the soul, of man or woman, can rise again, since it is made 
of dust and earth, nor dost thou believe that it shall render account before 
the Judgment-Seat, where we must all go, . . . and thou sayest, heretic, 
that such a thing cannot happen, cannot come to pass, cannot be accom- 
plished. Thou sayest that new flesh shall invest the spirits of those who 
are to be saved. . . . Evil fall upon him who established the custom that 
baptism is performed by the hands of a peasant, coming from among his 
sheep, knowing nothing of letters or Scripture, never having learned aught 
except ploughing and digging! . . . Where didst thou find it written, on 
what grounds dost thou assert, that the spirit thou hast received is one 
of those who fell like rain from Heaven, who strove nine days before they 
were hurled down. . . . Lucibel and all the company who were of his 
faith, they were cast out: no longer angels as they had before appeared, 
shining and resplendent, they were changed into devils, horrible, black 
and thicklipped, who never at any time will find salvation, pardon or 
mercy, for they have lost all this. ... A more clever liar than thou art 
I have never known; thou tellest many falsehoods, none of which I have 
believed. I should like to see thee dragged about or hanged. Tell me in 
what school thou hast learned that the spirit of man, when it has lost its 
body, enters into an ox, an ass, a horned sheep, a swine or a hen, into the 
first creature it has seen, and passes from one body to another, until a 
human being is born, man or woman; there in its recognized home, it 
does penance, and has occupied this body for a long while, and will occupy 
it, until the Day of Judgment, when it is destined to obtain salvation and 
to return in glory to the place that it lost. So thou tellest to the deceived 
man whom thou hast given to the Devil and removed from God. . . . 
Henceforth no further hope shall be held out to thee; if thou dost not 
confess, the fire is lighted, the trumpet is sounding through the town, the 
people are collected to see justice done, and thou shalt be burnt at once. 



150 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

the form of a dialogue between the poet and the Lord. The 
latter is allowed the victory, but, as the poet's challenge is 
both more neatly phrased and developed at greater length, 
it is hard not to suspect that the author's sympathies lay with 
the prosecution. 

Ha, Dieux, que je me doy bien plaindre 
De toy; ainsi ne puet remaindre 

Que mes plains ne te doye dire 

Quant tu li donnas tele couple 
Preveans les choses futures . . . 
Sur toy doit tourner la penance. . . . 
Pourquoy as tu donne" au monde 
La mort, ou tout tourment habonde, 
Par le premerain mariage? 

(Lamenta, iii, 77-113) 

Car comme tu soyes tenus 
A tous saulver, grans et menus, 
Pourquoy nous, pecheeurs, menaces 
Et nous condempnes et enlaces 
Sans fin a pardurable paine 
Pour une coulpe momentaine? 
La paine, qui droit veult compter 
Ne doit le mesfait seurmonter. 
Pourquoy sommes nous telement 
Tourmentes pardurablement 
Pour pechie petit et legier? 
On doit les paines allegier; 
Raison veult qu'on les apetice. . . . 
Dont appert que saulver nous doives 
. . . ou autrement 
Ta redemption seroit vaine. . . . 
Mais la mort fu par toy estainte, 
Car s'elle pouoit revenir 
Et nous en ses tourmens tenir, 
Tousjours nous seroit ennemie; 
L'omme par toy ne seroit mie 
Rachetes bien sumsamment. . . . 



DISSENT FROM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 151 

Et se tu dis que nos pechies, . . . 
Nous font a tousjours condempner, 
J'argue que tu ne veuls mie 
Mort du pecheeur, mais la vie. . . . 
Les mauvais qui font les mesfais, 
Ne peuent empeschier tes fais, 
N'obvier a ta voulontS; 
Car pouoir et vouloir ente* 
As a nostre salvation. . . . 
Doncques s'ensuit il vrayement . . . 
Que saulver les doyes et vueilles. 
Se ta pitie ne te remort, 
Tu es cause de nostre mort. 

(Lamenta, iii, 1301-1424) u 

The Lord at first is represented as defending himself in the 
fashion of the schoolmen; the defence ends in a jest that 
Matheolus, at least, has nothing to fear, having suffered his 
Purgatory on earth with his wife. Then the author returns 
to his own argument more seriously: 

14 My Lord, what good reason I have to complain of thee; and so it 
cannot be expected that I should not express my complaints to thee. . . . 
Since thou createdst such a pair [Adam and EveJ, when thou didst foresee 
the future, the penalty ought to fall upon thee. . . . Why didst thou bring 
into the world by the first marriage death, in which every torment abounds? 
. . . Now since thou art bound to save us all, great and small, why dost 
thou menace us, poor sinners, and condemn us to continuous pain without 
end for a brief fault? If one reckons justly, the pain ought not to exceed 
the fault. Why then are we tormented eternally for a brief and trivial 
sin? The punishments should be lightened; reason demands that they 
be lessened. ... It is clear then that thou shouldst save us ... or else 
thy redemption would be vain. . . . Now death was destroyed by thee, 
for if it could return and hold us in its torments it would ever be our foe, 
and man would not be fully ransomed by thee. . . . And if thou sayest 
that our sins cause us to be condemned forever, I maintain that thou 
wishest not the death of the sinner, but his life. . . . The wicked cannot 
by their sins prevent the exercise of thy goodness or oppose thy power, 
for thou hast power and desire in abundance for our salvation. . . . Since 
then it follows truly . . . that it is both thy duty and desire to save us, 
if thy pity does not incline thee to mercy, thou art the cause of our death. 



152 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Di pourquoy, par quelle raison, 
Pour le pechie d'Adam punie 
Est sa sequelle et sa lignie. 
S'il y a mesfait ou meschief 
II doit tousjours suir le chief. . . . 
Si puet on bien arguer doncques 
Que la lignie d'Adam nee 
N'est pas par son mesfait dampnee. 
Car par droit et selon justice 
Cil qui a fait le malefice 
Doit soufirir la punicion. . . . 
Aussi cil qui rien ne mesfait 
Ne doit pas pour autruy mesfait 
Encourir paine ne sentence. . . . 
Autruy pechie ne luy doit nuire; . . . 
Chascun doit soustenir sa charge 
Selon sa coulpe estroite ou large. 
Se les peres veulent mesprendre, 
Leur mesfait ne doit pas descendre 
Sur les fils, ce dit l'Escripture; 
Si semble estre contre droiture 
Que la lignie soit dampnable 
Du fait dont elle est non coupable. 

(Lamenta, iii, 2402-2430) 15 

The defence is — with intent? — rather weakly managed. 
The poet had asked why, Adam's own guilt being admitted, 
the punishment must descend upon those who had no part in 

15 Declare then by what right the succession and lineage of Adam is 
punished for his sin. If there is sin or evil, the punishment should fall 
upon the evildoer. . . . Therefore one can argue justly that the lineage 
born of Adam is not condemned for his sin, since by right and justice he 
who has done the wrong ought to suffer the punishment. ... In like 
manner he who has done no wrong ought to incur no punishment or 
penalty, for another's transgression. The sin of another ought not to 
affect him. . . . Each one ought to bear his own burden, according to 
his fault, great or small. If the fathers do evil, their misdeeds should not 
descend to their sons, so says the Scripture; therefore it is manifestly 
contrary to justice that the human race be condemned for the sin of which 
it is not guilty. 



DISSENT FROM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 153 

the original transgression. The answer is merely that the sin 
was great: 

La coulpe d'Adam est trouv£e 

De tel crime et de tel outrage 

Qu'il connsca son heritage, 

Pour ses enfans exhereder. 

(Lamenta, iii, 2442) 16 

By favor of the poet, the Lord is further allowed to urge 
that, after all, since grace is freely proffered, it is man's own 
fault if he suffer eternally. The answer of the Deity is so un- 
gracious that the reader's sympathy remains with the ques- 
tioner. The whole tone of this remarkable dialogue suggests 
the spirit of Lucian rather than the reverence of a believer. 

In the course of the discussion Matheolus touches upon the 
topic of free will, that problem which sharpened the wits of so 
many a medieval theologian. Jean de Meung was even more 
keenly interested in the subject, devoting nine hundred and 
thirteen lines of Nature's confession to a subtle treatment of 
the vexed question. Chiefly noteworthy from the point of 
view of the present study is the stress laid upon reason as 
arbiter. Subjoined are typical passages from each writer. 

J'ay donne raison et courage 
A chascun par franc arbitrage 
Si que il puist bien et mal faire; 
Car se l'omme tel don eiist 
Que de soy pechier ne petist, 
Point de remuneracion . . . 
Ne peiist ou delist avoir. . . . 
A luy tient, j'en fay mon devoir. 
Prest suy qu'au besoing le sequeure; 
S'il n'est sauvSs, en luy demeure, 
Non pas en moy, en verite\ 

(Lamenta, iii, 2311) 17 

16 The fault of Adam is considered of so heinous and outrageous a 
nature, that he forfeited his heritage so as to disinherit his children. 

17 I have given reason and courage to each with free will so that he can 
do good or ill; . . . for if man were of such a nature that he could not 



154 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Mes raisonnable creature, 

Soit mortex hons, soit divins anges, . . . 

S'el se mescongnoist comme nices, 

Ce d6faut li vient de ses vices 

Que le sens li troble et enivre; 

Car il puet bien Raison ensivre; 

Et puet de franc voloir user; 

N'est riens qui Ten puist excuser. 

(Roman de la rose, 18797) 18 

In the appeal to reason in theological discussion lies the 
promise, at least, of universal tolerance. We can measure the 
originality and independence of such views by contrasting them 
with the saying of Louis IX: 

A man ought never to dispute with an unbeliever except 
with his sword, which he ought to drive into the heretic's 
heart as far as he can. 

Guillaume le Clerc advises a course that is akin to the mod- 
ern position of personal responsibility in articles of faith. 
One must not, certainly, press the apparent liberality of the 
counsel too far, yet the author's reliance in reason as a test of 
truth is very plain. He had been speaking of the wise ant 
which, passing by the rye and barley, selected the grain. 

Tu crestiens, qui en Deu creiz 
E l'escripture entenz e veiz, 
Fent e devise sagement 
La lettre del vel testament ! 
Ceo est a dire e a entendre, 
Que tu ne deiz mie trop prendre 

sin of his own will, he neither could or ought to have recompense. . . . All 
depends upon himself; I have done my duty in the matter. I am ready 
to aid him at need; if he is not saved, the fault is his own, not mine, in 
truth. 

18 But if a reasonable creature, whether a mortal man or divine angel, 
misbehaves like the fool, this fault comes from his vices, for his passions 
confuse him and overpower him; for he can follow reason, and can exercise 
freely his power of will. Nothing can excuse him from doing so. 



DISSENT FROM THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHURCH 155 

Tot quanque Pescripture dit 
Selonc la lettre, qui occit, 
Mes l'esperit, qui vivifie. 
Ceo ne deiz tu oblier mie. 

(Bestiaire, 941) 19 

In the Romance of the Rose, the author maintains almost the 
attitude of the Renaissance scholars; he embellishes his pages 
with plenteous quotations from the classics he venerates, yet, 
in the discussion of really vital questions, he supports his opin- 
ion by an appeal to reason. The symbolic expression of his 
rationalizing temper is the important part allotted to Reason 
in the action of the poem.* Possibly Jean de Meung's admira- 
tion for Boethius had much to do with determining this result. 
In the work of the Latin scholar, it will be remembered, Phi- 
losophy consoles her life-long devotee in his prison. The role 
of Philosophy is, in the Romance of the Rose, partly given over 
to Reason. Scarcely had Jean de Meung taken up the pen to 
continue the pretty love-story of Guillaume de Lorris than he 
introduced Reason as the lover's guide. In conjunction with 
Nature it is she who brings the lover's fortunes to a happy issue. 
Now Jean de Meung was more interested in applying reason to 
ethical problems than to dogmas. Asceticism found in him 
an uncompromising foe and to win the battle he was forced to 
set nature and reason above authority. In this rationalizing 
temper and in the belief that the inclinations are a safe guide 
of conduct, Jean de Meung was in revolt against the conven- 
tions of his age. He belonged in spirit to the school of Epicurus 
and Lucretius, and along the path that he made followed 
Rabelais, Montaigne, La Fontaine and Moliere. "Fay ce 
que voldras" might well have been a text for them all. 



19 You, Christian, who believe in God and understand and know the 
Scripture, consider wisely and break open the letter of the Old Testament. 
I mean by this, that you ought not at all to take what the Scripture says 
according to the letter, which kills, but according to the spirit, which gives 
life. This you ought never to forget. 



156 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

If now it may be assumed that the citations offered are rep- 
resentative of the protest of the age against ecclesiastical su- 
premacy, it may be concluded that, in the period studied, there 
was little or no opposition to the ceremonial or to the discipline 
of the Church, that disapproval of the morals of the clergy, 
particularly of the Mendicant Orders, was widespread and out- 
spoken, that resentment was keen against papal claims to con- 
trol the universities and to play an important part in civil 
affairs, and that perhaps no doctrine had passed unchallenged, 
even if the attack was timorous and irresponsible. Conflict 
with a highly organized institution had called forth no mean 
amount of courage, and compelled the assertion, in however 
humble a degree, of the individual's right to decide for himself 
in questions of faith and ethics.* 






CHAPTER V 

THE ROMANCE OF THE ROSE 
AND THE PROTEST AGAINST THE ASCETIC IDEAL OF THE CHUECH 

In the preceding chapters frequent allusion has been made 
to the most influential poem of the thirteenth century, The 
Romance of the Rose. As is well known, this remarkable work 
consists of two parts, the first of 4669 lines composed by Guil- 
laume de Lorris, the second of 18,148 lines by Jean de Meung. 
The story, cast by the earlier poet in the conventional vision 
form, describes a lover's pursuit of his beloved, figured under 
the attempt to pluck a rose in the garden of delight. The 
lover is all but successful when the guardians of the rose rally 
to its defence, and shut up Bel Acueil, or Fair Welcome, the 
lover's friend, in a tower. With this untoward event Guil- 
laume's part broke off. It was left for Jean de Meung to rescue 
the faithful friend and bestow the fair rose upon the lover. 
But Jean de Meung also infused the obvious symbolism of his 
predecessor with a far deeper allegory of his own. As soon as 
he took up the courtly romance, the love motive suffered a 
sea-change. In the earlier part of the poem, that written by 
Guillaume de Lorris, the chief obstacle to the lover's success is 
the lady's caprice; in the continuation Jean de Meung sharp- 
ened the issue to a polemic against asceticism. With caustic 
art he ranged False-Seeming and Constrained Abstinence 
among the host of Love, their task being to assail the postern- 
door. In the end Venus interposes to grant the lover his desire. 
Jean de Meung had thus got hold of a true allegorical motive: 
the eternal struggle of two opposing tendencies in society, al- 
though since he was not a great allegorist, like Bunyan, in the 
white heat of whose imagination action and symbol fuse into 



158 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

one, passages in which he expounded his own views or de- 
nounced the friars sound like digressions. They are digres- 
sions only in the sense that the author abandoned the symbolic 
exposition for the literal. 

Jean de Meung's work has been placed by some at the close 
of the thirteenth century, by others a score of years earlier. 
The author's unprecedented boldness in attacking the sacer- 
dotal caste might argue for the years following the famous 
bull, Clericis laicos (1296), when Philip the Fair welcomed 
assailants of the papal hierarchy, but the best French 
scholars, Lanson, Langlois, Paris and others incline to the 
earlier date. 

Be this as it may, the Romance of the Rose is to be considered 
the clearest expression of the rationalizing temper in the thir- 
teenth century. As the citations previously offered have 
shown, Jean de Meung applied the test of reason to the institu- 
tions and beliefs of his day. Over his mind the glamour of 
sentiment had no charm, and he was almost equally unfettered 
by conventions. He ascribed the most selfish motives to the 
founders of the monarchy and the nobility, and showed no more 
respect for their descendants; he demanded that the priest- 
hood win veneration by pure living, not by the bishop's con- 
secration; he defended the University of Paris as the citadel 
of free thought; he made Reason the protagonist of his great 
work. So too he was the foremost opponent of asceticism as 
an unnatural and unintelligent theory. The present chapter 
will set forth his and other protests against the dominant 
monkish ideal. 

In speaking of the opposition to asceticism led by Jean de 
Meung, it is not implied that the medieval Church ever enjoined 
renunciation as essential. But in the Middle Ages, as in no 
other period, was the body held to be necessarily at war with 
the soul. On the other hand, fasting, flagellation, uncleanness 
of body, were then extolled as positive virtues. Each monastic 
order was founded to express in ever stricter form the passion- 
ate striving after the subdual of the flesh. Saint Louis wore a 



PROTEST AGAINST ASCETICISM 159 

hair shirt day and night, washed the feet of beggars, made two 
of his daughters nuns, and gave to his sons a monkish educa- 
tion. The orthodox view of this world was that expressed in 
the well-known twelfth century Latin poem by Bernard of 
Cluny. 

The world is very evil, 

The times are waxing late; 
Be sober and keep vigil, 

The Judge is at the gate. . . . 
Brief life is here our portion; 

Brief sorrow, short-lived care : 
The life that knows no ending, 

The deathless life is There .... 
The miserable pleasures 

Of the body shall decay; 
The bland and nattering struggles 
Of the flesh shall pass away. 

(The Celestial Country, tr. J. M. Neale) 

The natural corollary to such an opinion of the present world 
is the exaltation of a life spent in preparation for the next and 
of the celibate state as offering the fewest obstacles to such a 
life. And so we have the legend of Saint Cecilia and the host 
of virgin martyrs. 

In the Romance of the Rose we breathe no such rarefied air. 
Although Jean de Meung subscribed himself a believer in the 
tenets of the Church, he was untouched by the spirituality of 
its message. His concern was with the establishment on earth 
of a community wherein theft and violence should exist no 
more because poverty and oppression were unknown. What- 
ever did not fit in with such an ideal he combated as danger- 
ous. He clashed, accordingly, with the monastic orders in 
their glorification of celibacy. He himself reduced love and 
marriage to the plane of social economics. Like the monarchy, 
marriage is to him not a divine institution, but the mere 
result of social necessity; it is a device to keep the strong 
man from carrying off the wife of a weaker man. Nature has 



160 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

nothing to say to such an arrangement. The oft quoted pas- 
sage is as follows: 

D'autre part, el [les femmes] sunt f ranches nees; 

Lot les a conditioners, 

Qui les oste de lor franchises 

Ou Nature les avoit mises; 

Car Nature n'est pas si sote 

Qu'ele feist nestre Marote 

Tant solement por Robichon . . . 

Ne Robichon por Mariete; . . . 

Ains nous a fait, biau filz, n'en doutes, 

Toutes por tous, et tous por toutes, . . . 

Si que quant eus sunt affiees, 

Par loi prises et mariees, 

Por oster dissolucions 

Et contens et occisions, 

Et por aidier les norretures 

Dont il ont ensemble les cures, 

Si s'esforcent en toutes guises 

De retourner a lor franchises 

Les dames et les damoiseles. 

In primitive society the beautiful woman was snatched from 
her husband. 

Si que jadis s'entretuoient, 
Et les norretures lessoient, 
Ains que Ten feist mariages 
Par le conseil des homes sages. 

{Roman de la rose, 14822-14863) 1 

1 Women are born free; it is law that has reduced their estate by taking 
away the freedom with which Nature had endowed them; for Nature is 
not so foolish as to create Marote solely for Robichon, or Robichon for 
Mariete. Rather, dear son, do not doubt that she has made all women 
for all men, and all men for all women. ... So that when matrons and 
young girls are affianced, and given in marriage by law, to prevent sepa- 
rations and strife and murder, and to aid the bringing up of children by 
giving these the care of both parents, they strive in every way to recover 
their freedom. . . . Because men killed one another [to obtain a beau- 
tiful woman]] and neglected the rearing of their children, for this reason 
was marriage devised by the counsel woOse men. 



PROTEST AGAINST ASCETICISM 161 

This view of marriage diverges, of course, widely from the 
teaching of the Church, which called marriage a sacrament, 
and made the human relation a type of the mystic union of 
Christ and the Church. Much later certain of the Reformed 
churches defined marriage as a civil contract, but in his day 
Jean de Meung stood almost alone. The chief justification of 
his attack on celibacy Jean de Meung found in the need of 
preserving the human race. He was a fore-runner of the 
modern eugenists in his appreciation of the duty that each 
generation owes to posterity. 

Mes ge sai bien, pas n'el devin, 
Continuer Festre devin 
A son pooir voloir deust 
Quiconques a fame geust, . . . 
Por ce que tuit sunt corrumpable. . j . 
Car puis que pere et mere faillent, 
Vuet Nature que les fil saillent 
Por recontinuer ceste ovre, 
Si que par Fun l'autre recovre. 

{Roman de la rose, 5124) 2 

One of the admirers, or imitators, of Jean de Meung, Mathe- 
olus, is even more radical than his master. The Lamenta, it 
should be conceded, was written for private circulation only, 
and for a group of clerics, who might be supposed to possess 
the theological acumen necessary to sift the wheat from the 
bran of the author's teaching. Matheolus, himself unhappy 
in marriage, would do away with the artificial bond and follow 
inclination alone. In spite of his own hard experience, how- 
ever, he will not allow the monk's contention that the celibate 
state is holier. 

2 Now I know well — I am not uncertain — that every one who takes 
a wife should do so with the will to continue the divine creation, since all 
men are mortal. For when fathers and mothers die, Nature desires their 
sons to succeed to continue her work, so that she may replace the elder 
generation by the younger. 



162 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Qui achate vache mal saine 
Ou beuf qui chiet en maladie, . . . 
Six mois a d'espace du rendre. . . . 
Doncques doit bien six mois avoir 
Cils qui prent femme pour sgavoir 
S'il la veult laissier ou tenir. 

(Lamenta, iii, 356-363) 3 

Quiconques a fait mariage 
Pour avoir enfans et lignage, 
Certes, il fist, je n'en doubt mie, 
Grant prejudice a la lignie; . . . 
Sans mariage continue 
S'espece toute beste mue, 
Et toute plante ou herbe engendre 
Sans mariage son droit gendre. . . . 
En ne m'a pas cree nature 
Pour une seule creature. . . . 
En n'est pas nature si vile 
Que seulement creast Sebile 
Pour Werry, ne Werry pour elle, 
Ne moy aussi pour Perrenelle. . . . 
Mais mariage est au contraire; 
Le seul veult a la seule traire; 
Dont nature est forment contrainte 
Et souvent troublee et estainte; 
Retourner veult a sa franchise; 
Et quant n'y puet estre remise 
Lors muet riotes et discorde. 

(Lamenta, iii, 1053-1253 ) 4 

3 He who buys an unhealthy cow or an ox which falls sick has six 
months' time to return it in. . . . So he who takes a wife ought to have 
six months to decide whether he wishes to give her up or to retain her. 

4 He who invented marriage to preserve the race, certainly he inflicted 
an evil upon humanity. Every dumb beast continues its species without 
marriage, and every plant and herb without marriage produces its true 
offspring. Therefore Nature has not created me for a single creature; 
therefore Nature is not so base as to create Sebile for Werry, or Werry for 
her, or me for Perrenelle . . . But marriage by a contrary plan effects 



PROTEST AGAINST ASCETICISM 163 

Yet when Matheolus asks which state is better, the cloister or 
marriage, he is answered: 

J'ay les mariages fondus, 

Mais les moyens n'ay pas tondus, 

Ne religion ne fis oncques. 

Si puis asses conclure doncques 

Les maries plus glorieus 

Que moynes ne religieus 

Compte bien et si tfasseiire 
Que mariage est primerain 
Et des estas le souverain. 

(Lamenta, iii, 2139-2156) 5 

The author of Renart le Contrefait assumes the same attitude, 
making the beauty of Nature the direct work of God. 

Lors [Renart] vit Nature en sa chayere 
Qui tant belle et qui tant noble yere. 
Moult fu plaisant et gracieuze 
Et delitable et moult piteuse. 
Sa beaulte ne contreferoit 
Horns qui le pooir Dieu n'aroit. . . . 
Car se Dieu du tout la cretist, 
Oncq horns ne femme ne morust, 
Ades vesquissent et duressent 
Et tousjours fourmes engerressent. 
Generacion tant lui plaist 
Que c'est la vie qui la paist. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 23979, 24034) 6 

the union of one man with one woman; thereby is Nature greatly con- 
strained and often troubled and destroyed; she wishes to return to her free 
state, and when she cannot resume it, then she excites riots and discord. 

6 I have founded marriage, but I have not shaved the monks, nor did I 
ever establish a religious order, so that you may conclude that married 
persons are more honorable than monks or priests. Reckon and count 
it as sure that marriage is the first and chief of states. 

6 Then Renart saw Nature on her throne in all her beauty and nobility. 
Very pleasant and gracious was she and charming and compassionate. 
No man, unless he were endowed with the power of God, could imitate 



164 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The radical divergence of this last author from orthodox 
teaching is revealed by a comparison of that passage in Deguil- 
leville in which Nature, an ugly old woman, sets herself in 
opposition to Grace Dieu for the government of man's soul 
(Pelerinage de la vie humaine, 1503-2003) with lines 24086-90 
of Renart le Contrefait. In the latter poem Nature is represented 
as young and fair, but Fear, who warns of retribution after 
death, is pictured as a weak old woman. Nature, moreover, 
makes light of the warning. 

Ceulx qui voulront enfer avoir 
Et qui a plain bras le querront, 
Je suis bien d'accord qu'ilz l'aront. 
Cellui qui quiert enfer, si Poit, 
Qui dampne voeult estre, si soit. 

(Renart le Contrefait, 24086) 7 

The popularity of the Romance of the Rose and of the four- 
teenth century translation of the Lamenta is due, in large part, 
to their being the gathering together of the half pagan folk 
ethics never quite vanquished by the uncompromising attitude 
of Christianity. The popular expression of this same morality 
is found in the lyric poetry of the same time. Jeanroy and 
Gaston Paris have traced the origin of this lyric poetry to the 
May dance-songs of heathen times. The subject is also dis- 
cussed by E. K. Chambers, who gives many extracts from 
sermons and the decrees of church councils to show that the 
heathen character of spring and harvest festivals persisted far 
down into Christian times, if indeed it be even now wholly 
transformed. The reason is not far to seek. Christianity, 
entering a world of self-indulgence, and persecuted from the 

her beauty. ... If God had listened wholly to her, never had man or 
woman suffered death; still they would have been alive and strong, and 
ever would they have created new life. She favors generation since she 
can herself live only by the life of her creatures. 

7 Those who wish to have a Hell and who seek it with open arms, I 
am content that they should have it. Let him who seeks a Hell, have 
it. If any one wishes to be damned, be it after his will. 



PROTEST AGAINST ASCETICISM 165 

start, took on the sternness of a martyr faith. Yet while the 
people acknowledged vaguely the superior purity of the new 
religion, they clung affectionately to their old ritual, as finding 
therein a warm humanity which answered their craving for 
joy, excitement, life. The lyric poetry of medieval Europe 
breathed from the very first a spirit of revolt and found its 
delight in those old pagan customs against which the Church 
directed its anathemas. Some literary historians have as- 
cribed the neo-paganism of the Renaissance to the revival of 
classical studies. Whether by " paganism" is meant merely 
a joy in living, or self-indulgence, the men of the Renaissance 
doubtless found encouragement for their views of life in the 
classics. That, however, they inherited their philosophy of 
enjoyment from their immediate forebears even a cursory read- 
ing of medieval lyrics reveals. 

Protest against the austere counsels of the Church has left 
its most distinct literary traces in the dance-songs, the abund- 
ance of which attests their correspondence with popular feel- 
ing. In vain did the Church picture the terrors of departing 
life, as in the hymn of Peter Damian : 

Gravi me terror e pulsas, vitse dies ultima; . . . 
Quis enim pavendum illud explicat spectaculum 
Cum, dimenso vitse cursu, carnis segra nexibus 
Anima luctatur solvi, propinquans ad exitum? 
Perit sensus, lingua riget, revolvuntur oculi, . . . 
Stupent membra, pallent ora, decor abit corporis. . . . 
Falsa tunc dulcedo carnis in amarum vertitur 
Quando brevem voluptatem perpes poena sequitur, 
lam quod magnum credebatur nil fuisse cernitur. 

(Latin Hymns, F. A. March, pp. 94, 95) 

In vain did the Church advise the prayer, the fast, the vigil in 
preparation for the dread Judge in those most terrible lines : 

Dies irae, dies ilia 
Solvet saeclum in favilla, 
Teste David cum Sibylla. 



166 THE SPIEIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Quantus tremor est futurus, 
Quando iudex est venturus, 
Cuncta stricte discussurus! . . . 

Liber scriptus proferetur, 
In quo totum continetur, 
Unde mundus iudicetur. 

Iudex ergo cum sedebit, 
Quidquid latet, apparebit, 
Nil inultum remanebit. 

(Latin Hymns, March, p. 154) 

One might have expected that the shadow of a theology so 
grim would have fallen across even the popular poetry, yet 
there are not wanting songs to prove that to many a joyous 
singer cakes and ale were, notwithstanding, good, and ginger 
hot in the mouth. The naturalism of troubadour poetry is 
especially striking. Arnaut Daniel, to bend the heart of his 
lady, burns tapers and hears a thousand masses (Diez, Leben 
und Werke der Troubadour, p. 356). The mood is as abso- 
lutely heathen as the prayer of Chryses to Apollo. 

Many of the early folk songs are distinctly May-songs, point- 
ing back to an old heathen festival in honor of the return of 
spring, the Pervigilium Veneris among the Romans. In such 
poems we see the procession at dawn to bear home boughs 
from the wood, the merry dance about the may-pole, the bea- 
con fires as night comes on. A poem of the thirteenth century, 
Guillaume de Dole, pictures the gay throng. 

Tuit li citoien s'en issirent 
Mie nuit por aler au bos. 
La cite en avait le los 
D'estre toz jors mout deduianz. 
Au matin, quant li jors fu granz, 
Et il aporterent lor mai, 
Tuit chargie* de flors et de glai 
Et de rainsiaus verz et foilluz; 
One si biaus mais ne fu veuz 



PROTEST AGAINST ASCETICISM 167 

De gieus, de flors, et de verdure; 
Parmi la cite" a droiture 
Le vont a grant joie portant, 
Et dui damoisel vont chantant: 

"Tout la gieus sor rive mer, 

Compaignon, or dou chanter. 

Dames i ont bauz levez : 
Mout en ai le cuer gai. 

Compaignon, or dou chanter 
En Fonor de mai." 
Quant il Forent bien por chants, 
Es soliers amont Font ported 
Et mis hors parmi les fenestres, 
Dont ont embeliz toz les estres; 
Et getent partot herbe et nor 
Sor le pavement, por Fonor 
Dou haut jor et dou haut concire. 

(Guillaume de Dole, 4141) 8 

Representative of a large group of poems, expressing frank 
content with life as it is, are the following tender and unaffected 
lines from a thirteenth century pastourelle. 

J'ai trop plus de joie 

Et de deduit 
Que li rois de France 

N'en a, ce cuit. 

8 All the citizens went forth at midnight to go to the wood; the city 
was famed for being ever full of joy. In the morning when the day was 
high, they brought back their may, every one laden with blossoms and 
flower-stalks and green, leafy boughs; never was so beautiful a may seen 
with the flower-stalks and blossoms and verdure. Straight through the 
city they bore it joyfully, and two youths went before singing: "Just 
below on the shore of the sea, — companions, begin the singing! — maidens 
have started the dancing: glad is my heart therefor. Companions, begin 
the singing in honor of the May." And when they had sung their song 
through, they bore the may to the upper rooms, and hung it out through 
the windows so that they made all the dwellings beautiful; and they 
strewed everywhere herbs and flowers over the pavement, for the honor 
of the glad day and of the high assembly. 



168 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

S'il a sa richesse 

Je la lui quit; 
Car j'ai ma miete 

Et jor et nuit. 

(Chansons populaires, Nisard, p. 48) 9 

Almost identical is the snatch of melody which Alceste's com- 
mendation has made immortal: 

Si le roi m'avait donne 

Paris, sa grand' ville, 
Et qu'il me fallut quitter 

L'amour de ma mie, 
Je dirais au roi Henri, 

"Reprenez votre Paris. 
J'aime mieux ma mie, au gue ! 

J'aime mieux ma mie." 

The significance of such humble ditties, their joint contribution 
to the nation's philosophy of life, becomes clear, perhaps for the 
first time, in Moliere's work, with its strong insistence on prac- 
tical values, its discouragement of sentimentalism, if not of 
spirituality. In this tendency towards materialism lay the deep 
reason for the criticism of Tartuffe by the religious, actual criti- 
cism going astray into the charge that the dramatist had 
represented piety as always a sham. The love poetry of the 
time is, in this sense of the word, materialistic; it does not, 
like Dante's poetry, open spiritual vistas; it degrades religious 
ideals into a measure of the lover's devotion to the earthly 
beloved. So Thibaut sang: 

Cele [la dame] me puet reconforter; 
En li est ma morz et ma vie. . . . 
Tant sui vers lui fins et entiers 
Que toz jorz voudraie mielz estre 
Avec li qu'o le roi celestre. . . . 

9 I have far more joy and delight than the king of France, so I think; 
I'll not envy him his riches, for I have my darling night and day. 



PROTEST AGAINST ASCETICISM 169 

Ne me porroit mieuz aeisier 
Dex de trestot son parevis 
Que se j'avoie a mon devis 
La boche ma tres douce dame. . . . 
Quel marveille est ce se ge Tain? 
Se tuit li prestre et tuit li moine 
Qui soient jusques Babyloine, 
Et li evesque et li abe 
M'en avoient trestuit gabe, 
N'en puis ge pas mon cuer retraire. 
(Romanz de la poire, 1579-85; 1695-9; 1743-8) 10 

It is rare that the Church is mentioned. Occasionally there 
is a cry of protest against the austere life, as in this plaint of 
the enforced nun. 

Quant se vient en mai 
Que rose espanie, 
Je Falai cuillir 
Par grant druerie. 
En poi d'ore oil 
Une vois serie 
Lone un vert bouset, 
Pres d'une abiete; 

" Je sens les dous maus 

Leiz ma ceinturete; 

Malois soit de Deu, 

Qui me fist nonete ! 

Qui nons me fist 
Jhesus le maldie ! 
Je vis trop envis 
Vespres ne complies, 

10 My lady alone can comfort me; in her is my death and my life. So 
entirely am I hers that ever would I choose to be with her rather than 
with the king of Heaven. . . . God with all his paradise could not make 
me so happy as I should be if I might kiss at will the lips of my sweet 
lady. . . . What marvel is it if I love her? If all the priests and all the 
monks from here to Babylon and the bishops and the abbes had blamed 
my love, I could not restrain my heart. 



170 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

J'aimasse trop miels 
Meneir boine vie, 
Que fust sans deduis, 
Et amerousete. 
Je sens," etc. 

{Chansons populaires, Nisard, p. 29) u 

Another phase of the revolt against the austerity which the 
cloister would have inculcated as the proper mood for sojourn- 
ers in a state of woe was a certain nonchalance in regard to the 
possible penalties attached to so comfortable a condoning of 
one's own short-comings. The conception of God became an- 
thropomorphic to an amazing degree, considering the hold that 
the Church had upon men's thought. Ecclesiastics seem to 
have passed by with scant censure both frank irreverence and 
the humanizing conception of the Creator, reserving the bolts 
of their excommunication for verbal dissent from the creed. 
The attitude of mind is, certainly, most curious, whether we 
regard it as the survival of the folk religion or as the reaction 
of the flesh asserting its rights against an unduly ascetic ideal. 

To the jovial Monk of Montaudan, the Creator of Heaven 
and Earth was another good fellow, who shared the monk's 
own contempt for the sour faces of ascetics and who knew well 
the worth of a good song or joke or sword-thrust. Such a judge 
might be trusted to deal leniently with an occasional lapse in 
monastic duties. 

I/autr'ier fuy en paradis, 
Per qu'ieu suy guays e joyos, 
Quar tan mi fo amoros 
Dieus, a cui tot obezis, 
Terra, mare, vals e montanha; 

11 In spring when the rose opens, I went to gather one for love's sake. 
Soon I heard a sad voice in a green wood near a convent: — "I feel the 
sweet pangs of love in my heart; accursed be he of God who made me a 
nun! May Jesus destroy him who made me a nun! In discontent I live, 
vespers and complines; I should wish to lead a happy life, blessed by love 
than one without joy. I feel," etc. 



PROTEST AGAINST ASCETICISM 171 

E m dis: Morgue, quar venguis, 
Ni cum estay Montaudos, 
Lai on as maior companha? 

Senher, estat ai aclis 
En claustra un an o dos, 
Per qu'ai perdut los baros; 
Sol quar vos am e us servis, 
Me fan lor amor estranha. . . . 

Monge, ges ieu no t grazis, 
S'estas en claustr'a rescos, 
Ni vols guerras ni tensos 
Ni pelei' ab tos vezis, 
Per quel bailia t remanha; 
Ans am ieu lo chant el ris; 
El segles en es plus pros, 
E Montaudos y guazanha. . . . 

The Lord further advises the monk to seek Richard of England, 
his former benefactor. 

Senher, ieu l'agra ben vis, 
Si per mal de vos no fos, 
Quar anc sofris sas preizos; 
Mas la naus dels Sarrazis 
No us membra ges cossi s banha; 
Quar, si dins Acre s culhis, 
Pro i agr'enquer Turcx fellos; 
Folhs es qui us sec en mesclanha. 

(Raynouard, Choix, iv, 40) 12 

12 The other day I was in Paradise, — the recollection makes me gay 
and joyous, — for the Lord whom everything obeys, earth, sea, valley 
and mountain, was gracious to me and said: "Monk, why have you come 
here, and how is Montaudon, where there is a greater company?" — 
"Lord, I have been on my knees in the cloister a year or two, and in this 
way lost the favor of the barons; only because I love and serve you, their 
love is estranged from me." — "Monk, I do not thank you at all for 
shutting yourself up in the cloister and caring nothing for wars and lam- 
poons and strife with your neighbors, whereby your vigor is maintained; 
I prefer singing and laughter; and the world is the happier for it, and 



172 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

In the charming chantefable of northern France, Aucassin 
et Nicolete, there breathes the same spirit of absorption in the 
goodliness of this earth and of unconcern for the future. The 
lover will not exchange his beloved for the pale joys of the 
blessed. To Paradise, indeed, he consigns those who would be 
but sorry company on earth. 

The master of Nicolete tries to persuade Aucassin that his 
love for the beautiful captive is vain. 

"Tos les jors du siecle en seroit vos cors honis, et apres en 
seroit vo arme en infer; qu'en paradis n'enterries vos ja." 

But the lover will none of such prudent counsels. 

"En paradis qu'ai je a faire? Je n'i quier entrer mais que 
j'aie Nicolete, ma tresdouce amie que j'aim tant. C'en para- 
dis ne vont fors tex gens, con je vous dirai. II i vont cil viel 
prestre et cil viel clop et cil manke, qui tote jor et tote nuit 
cropent devant ces autex et en ces vies creutes, et cil a ces 
vies capes esreses et a ces vies tatereles vestues, qui sont nu 
et descauc et estrumel£, qui moeurent de faim, et de soi et 
de froit et de mesaises. Icil vont en paradis; aveuc ciax n'ai 
jou que faire, Mais en infer voil jou aler; car en infer vont li 
bel clerc, et li bel cevalier qui sont mort as tornois et as rices 
gueres, et li boin sergant et li franc home. Aveuc ciax voil jou 
aler. Et s'i vont les beles dames cortoises, que eles ont deus 
amis ou trois avoc leur barons, et s'i va li ors et li argens et li 
vairs et li gris, et s'i vont harpeor et jogleor et li roi del siecle. 
Avoc ciax voil jou aler, mais que j'aie Nicolete, ma tresdouce 
amie, aveuc mi." 

(Aucassin et Nicolete, ed. Suchier, pp. 8, 9) 13 

Montaudon profits thereby." — ... " Lord, I should have gladly visited 
him [Richard], if it had not been for your fault, through which he suffers 
captivity; but you don't care at all what the fleet of the Saracens is doing; 
now if it collects at Acre, the wicked Turk will again have the advantage; 
foolish is he who follows you into a scrape!" 

13 All the days of this life you would be shamed, and afterwards your 
soul would be in Hell; for into Paradise you could never enter." — "In 
Paradise what have I to gain? I desire not to enter there without Nicolete, 
my sweet lady whom I love so well. For into Paradise go none but such 



PROTEST AGAINST ASCETICISM 173 

A valuation of the saints in which Aucassin would have 
heartily concurred is given in Gautier's Miracles de la Sainte 
Vierge. 

Plus maine Dex ou ciel lassus 
Des vilains aus blanches chapetes, 
De veuves fames, de vielletes, 
De mesiaus, de tors, de crogus, 
De contrefaiz et de bocuz, 
• Qu'il ne face de bele gent. 
Li fol, li preu, li bel gent, 
Les beles dames de grant pris 
Qui traynant vont ver et gris, 
Roys, roynes, dus et contesses 
En enfer vienent a granz presses; . . . 
Ou ciel va toute la ringaille, 
Le grain avons et Diex la paille. 

(Miracle du vilain qui a grant poine savait la 
moitie de son Ave Maria, 1. 206) 14 

In a piece that attains at once intense pathos and poetic 
expression, it is instructive to note the pure paganism of spirit 

folk as I will tell you. Thither go those old priests and those old cripples 
and deformed men, who crouch all day and all night before the altars and 
in the old crypts, and those with old, shabby cloaks and old, ragged gar- 
ments; thither go the naked, the barefooted, the trouserless, those who 
are perishing of hunger and thirst and cold and disease. These are the 
folk who enter Paradise; with such I have nothing in common. But into 
Hell I shall go gladly; for into Hell go the goodly clerics and the brave 
knights that died in the tourneys and the glorious wars, and the worthy 
captains and the dauntless men. With these I wish to go. And thither 
go the fair gracious ladies, who have lovers, two or three, besides their 
lords, and thither go the gold and the silver and the costly furs, and thither 
go the harpers and the jongleurs and the kings of this world. With these 
I wish to go, if only I may have Nicolete, my dear lady, with me." 

14 [The devils say:] "To Heaven above God leads more peasants with 
white capes, more widowed women, aged crones, sick folk, men misshapen, 
bent, deformed, ulcerous, than he does persons fair to see. The gay, the 
noble, the goodly knights, the beautiful ladies much sought after, they 
who wear costly furs, kings, queens, dukes and countesses flock into Hell; 
... to Heaven go the riff-raff; we have the grain and God has the straw." 



174 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

informing the poem, paganism masquerading under the guise 
of Christianity. The prayer is fervid and addressed to God, 
but the request is not for spiritual blessings, but for the return 
of the beloved. The tone recalls the second Idyl of Theocritus 
and the boon desired is much the same. I refer to an alba by 
Guiraut de Bornelh. 

Reis glorios, verais lums e clartatz, 
Deus poderos, senher, si a vos platz, 
al meu companh siatz fizels aiuda, 
qu'eu non lo vi, pois la noitz fon venguda; 
et ades sera l'alba. 

Bel companho, si dormetz o veillatz? 
non dormatz plus, suau vos ressidatz, 
qu'en orien vei l'estela creguda 
qu' amena-1 iorn qu'eu l'ai ben coneguda; 
et ades sera l'alba. . . . 

Bel companho, pos me parti de vos, 
eu nom dormi ni*m moc de genolhos 
anz preguei Dieu, lo filh Santa Maria, 
que -us mi rendes per leial companhia; 
et ades sera l'alba. . . . 

Bel dos companh, tan soi en ric soiorn 
qu'eu no volgra mais fos alba ni iorn, 
car la gensor que anc nasques de maire, 
tenc e abras, per qu'eu non prezi gaire 
lo fol gelos ni l'alba. 
(Provenzalische Chrestomathie, ed. Appel, p. 91) 15 

15 Glorious king, true light and splendor, God all powerful, Lord, if 
thou wilt, be a faithful helper to my friend, whom I have not seen since 
the night has come, and soon will break the dawn. Fair comrade, are 
you sleeping or awake? Sleep no more, gently waken, for in the east I 
see the star rising, which brings in the day; all too well have I recognized 
it, and soon shall break the dawn. Fair comrade, since I parted from you, 
I have not slept or moved from my knees; but I have prayed God, the son 
of Saint Mary, to bring you back to me in faithful love; and soon shall 



PROTEST AGAINST ASCETICISM 175 

In Theocritus, the deserted girl uses the material means, 
the love-charm, besides the prayer to call back the errant 
lover, but the expectancy of divine interposition is no greater. 
The one poem is as frankly pagan as the other in its delight in 
sensuous loveliness and its setting of the individual desire 
above the laws of social stability learned through slow experi- 
ence. Naturalism is a striking characteristic of the medieval 
lyric. There appears no sense of duty or decorum traceable to 
Christian influence. All is emotion as spontaneous and unre- 
strained as in the Sicilian pastoral. 



£>o far as the great movement we call the Renaissance is a 
revolt from a dry scholasticism and the tendency to petrify 
human activity into rigidly accepted forms of conduct and 
belief, its antecedents may be seen in this philosophy of the 
common life, which finds the loveliness of earth good to see 
and hear. The world that the glad eyes of these poets behold 
is too wonderful and joyous for them to aspire towards another. 
In these lyrics, bright with rapture in the return of spring with 
its tender grass, its opening buds, the warm sun, may be traced 
as natural human emotion what a later age was to attempt to 
justify philosophically. 

break the dawn. Fair, sweet comrade, I enjoy so rich a delight that I 
would there were neither dawn nor day, for I clasp in my embrace the most 
beautiful creature ever born of mother, and so I regard not the jealous 
fool or the dawn. 



CHAPTER VI 

PROTEST AGAINST SEX-DISCRIMINATION 

Today the most insistent revolt against social tyranny is 
feminism. Anything like an organized movement towards the 
emancipation of women could not, of course, have been even 
dreamed of in the Middle Ages. Yet, in a perverted form, the 
woman-question excited great interest, witness the long dis- 
cussions of female depravity with which medieval literature 
abounds.* 

Among those who discussed the subject soberly, Philippe 
de Novare presents the extreme antifeminist idea. Women 
are to be brought up in subjection and to remain in this condi- 
tion all their lives. Accordingly they need no knowledge out- 
side of the household arts. Knowledge might even open to 
them an avenue to sin. They are not to be trusted to guard 
their own virtue. But there is this crumb of comfort: less 
will be expected of them than of men. Obedience and chastity 
sum up female duty. 

Tuit cil et toutes celes qui les [les femeles] norrissent en 
anfance, les doivent apanre et ansaignier qu'eles soient bien 
en commandement et en subjection: ... en anfance doit ele 
obei'r a caus qui la norrissent et quant ele est marine outree- 
mant doit obeir a son mari comme a son seignor; et se ele 
se rant en religion, ele doit estre obeissanz parfitement a sa 
soverainne selonc la regie. . . . 

Toutes fames doivent savoir filer et coudre; car la povre 
en avra mestier, et la riche connoistra miaus Fovre des 
autres. . . . 

A fame ne doit on apanre letres ne escrire, se ce n'est 
especiaument por estre nonnain; car par lire et escrire de fame 



PROTEST AGAINST SEX-DISCRIMINATION 177 

sont maint mal avenu. Car . . . li deables est si soutis et enten- 
danz a faire pechier, que tost la metroit en co-rage que ele(s) 
Use les letres et li face respons.* 

Fames ont grant avantage d'une chose: legierement pueent 
garder lor honors, . . . por une seule chose; mes a Tom en 
covient plusors, se il vuet estre por bons tenuz: besoigs est 
que il soit cortois et larges et hardiz et sages. Et la fame, se 
ele est prode fame de son cors, toutes ses autres taches sont 
covertes, et puet aler partot teste levee; et por ce ne covient 
mie tant d'ansaignemanz as filles comme au filz. . . . 

Tieus est la meniere . . . des fames qui font folie . . . de 
lors cors. Autrement est des homes: car, comment qu'il 
soit dou pechie, il ont une grant vainne gloire, quant Tan 
dit que il ont beles amies. ... Li lignages des homes n'i a 
point de honte, et les fames honissent . . . eles meismes et 
tout lor lignage . . . quant eles sont a droit blasmees. 

(Quatre tenz d'aage d'ome, 1ffl 21, 24, 25, 31, 89) x 



1 All those who rear young girls should teach them in childhood to be 
under rule and in subjection: ... in childhood they should obey those 
who rear them, and when they are married they ought to obey their hus- 
bands as their lords; and if they become nuns, they should obey absolutely 
their superior according to the rule. . . . All women ought to know how to 
spin and sew; for the poor woman will need to practice these arts, and the 
rich woman will know how to superintend the work of others. ... A 
woman should not be taught reading or writing, if it is not to prepare for 
being a nun; for through women's knowing how to read and write many 
evils have come about. For . . . the devil is so subtle and wise in tempt- 
ing to sin that he would put it into their hearts to read the letters [of their 
lovers] and answer them. . . . Women have a great advantage in one 
way: they can maintain their honor easily, ... by a single virtue; but 
to man many virtues are necessary, if he desires to be honored: it is neces- 
sary for him to be courteous and liberal and bold and wise. But if a woman 
is modest, all her defects in other respects are overlooked, and she can 
carry her head high everywhere; and therefore it is not needful to give 
so much instruction to daughters as to sons. ... So dishonorable is the 
position of women who stoop to folly. It is different in the case of men, 
for although their sin may be as great, yet they count it a matter of pride 
to have it said that they have fair friends. The family of men has no 
shame thereby, but women disgrace themselves and all their family, when 
they are justly blamed. 



178 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Despite his low opinion of women, Philippe de Novare 
advises marriage. 

Et tout soit ce que li liens de mariage est morteus bataille, 
ou covient morir Tun des deux, ainz que loiaument departent 
dou champ, toutes voies en vient li grignor biens et la grignor 
joie que Tan ait au siecle; et mout d'anui en avint ausis, mais 
li bien passent les maus. 

(Quatre tenz d'aage d'ome, % 78) 

Especially should young men of the bourgeoisie marry early, 
since "li fais des fames espousees acorse [acuet?] moult les 
sens." The counsel reminds one of Bacon's saying, "He that 
hath wife and children hath given hostages to fortune.' ' 

The patient Griseldas approved by Philippe de Novare were 
perhaps not too often met with in real life, otherwise how 
account for the popularity of such stories as that told in Renart 
le Contrefait, 11. 40013-40797? 

On a certain journey Tibert falls in with a tigress that has 
not eaten for seven years through lack of her proper food, a 
wife faithful and obedient to her husband. Tibert guides 
the tigress to the marketplace, sure that among the throng of 
buyers and sellers a prey will be found. Yet no woman flees 
at the approach of the tigress. 

The fable of Chiche Vache (A. Jubinal, Mysteres inedits, i, 
p. 390), the lean cow that fed on patient wives, has the 
same moral. 

The wife of Matheolus would have proved an indigestible 
morsel for the fastidious beast according to the rueful testi- 
mony of her husband. 

Sejedi"bo", elle dit "beu"; 
Nous sommes comme chien et leu, 
Qui s'entrerechignent es bois; 
Et se je vueil avoir des pois, 
Elle fera de la poree, 
Tant est de mauvaise cor£e. . . . 



PROTEST AGAINST SEX-DISCRIMINATION 179 

Many a man has suffered the like sad experience. Woman 
is strangely perverse. 

Ne veult que son mari domine, 
Mais contre ses fais abhomine. . . . 
Ce qu'elle aime convient amer 
Et ce qu'elles heent blasmer, 
Et reprouver ce que repreuvent. 

(Lamenta, i, 713-755) 2 

This reversal of relations pleasing to man's vanity seemed to 
the poet a ground of accusation against Providence : 

Tu fourmas la premiere mere 

Du coste d'Adam, nostre pere, 

Afin de luy faire subside, 

Bien, plaisir, service et aide. . . . 

Mais qui au cler Fesprouveroit 

Tout le contraire trouveroit; 

Car sur Fomme a la seignourie; . . . 

Endormis es, ou tu rassotes 

Puis que les drois aux hommes ostes. . . . 

Ou tu dors, ou tu es trop vieulx. 

(Lamenta, iii, 839-968) 3 

Etienne de Fougeres discusses the subject temperately. In 
pointing out that the idle rich woman is a source of danger to 
society from her very leisure, he is quite in accord with one 
school of our most advanced feminists. Had all women, he 

2 If I say "bo," she says "beu"; we are like dog and wolf, that fight 
each other in the woods; and if I want peas, she will cook leeks; so shrew- 
ish is her disposition. . . . Woman [nowadays] will not suffer her husband 
to rule her, but rebels against his acts. What she loves, he must love, 
and what she hates, blame, and condemn what she condemns. 

3 Thou didst form the first mother from the side of Adam, our father, 
to afford him aid, good, pleasures, service and help. But one who should 
examine sharply actual conditions, would find exactly the opposite rela- 
tions prevailing, for woman has dominion over man. Lord, thou art fallen 
asleep or thou art besotted, since thou takest from men their rights. . . . 
Either thou sleepest or thou art too old. 



180 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

implies, some useful occupation, their faults would all but dis- 
appear. Etienne is careful also to offset his unflattering por- 
trait by another of the good woman. 

Riche dame qui est j olive 
son saignor tence et estrive; 
Vers lui se tient gorde et eschive 
Vers un pejor de lui braive. . . . 

A proz se tient et a guerie, 
Si grant gent est par lei perie; . . . 
Riche dome qui heit conoille, 
Ne teist, ne file, ne traoille, . . . 
De tote cure se despoille, 

Fors de sei faire belle et gente 
Et sei peindre blanche ou rovente, 
Et dit que mal fut sa jovente, 
Si en amor ne met entente. 

{Livre des manures, st. 249-265) 4 

But Etienne is glad to testify to the goodness also of many 
women, and he speaks approvingly of marriage. 

Bone fame est moult haute chose; 
De bien feire pas ne repose, . . . 
Bien conseilier et bien fere ose. 

Nule joie n'est tant garie 
Com de mari et de marie; 
Ja la lor joie n'iert tolie. 

{Livre des manieres, st. 284, 293) 8 

4 The rich woman who is pretty, strives and contends with her lord. 
Towards him she is cold and distant, towards a worse than he, graciously 
bold. She holds it a tribute to her worth and fame if many persons lose 
their lives for her. A rich woman who hates the spindle will not weave 
or spin or wind; ... of every care she rids herself, except making herself 
sweet and fair, and painting herself white or red, and she thinks that her 
time is ill-spent if it is not spent in love. 

5 A good woman is a very noble thing; she rests not from welldoing. 
She dares to counsel and to do well. ... No joy is so secure as that of 
husband and wife; never shall their joy be taken from them. 



PROTEST AGAINST SEX-DISCRIMINATION 181 

Gautier de Coincy is chivalrous to women as becomes the 
poet devoted to the service of Our Lady, but he accepts woman's 
status as fixed, just as do most of his contemporaries. He has 
words of reproof for the lady too fond of finery, but sings by 
preference the praise of the good woman. 

Bone fame, n'en dout de riens, 
Est si tres sainte et si tres nete 
Qu'eut plus soef que violete, 
Que fleur de liz ne fresche rose, 
Et Diex en li maint et repose. 
Nule esmeraude, nule gemme 
N'est tant nete com nete fame, 
Tant esmeree ne tant pure. 
Par desus toute creature 
Doit preudefame estre honoree. 

(Miracle du moine que Notre Dame 

resuscita, 497) 6 

The Hermit has little to say about woman's position. He 
is in advance of his age in advocating a single standard of 
morals for men and women. 

Horn ki fame deshonoras, 
Ausi ies tu deshonores; 
N'ies pas sans honte demores, 
Car hontous labour laboras. 

Horn de pekier a avantage 
Au siecle et moins a de hontage 
Ke fame, mais il desert pis 
A Diu et plus a de damage. 
Horn, ki ton cors mes a folage, 

6 The good woman, do not doubt it, is so very holy and pure that she 
is sweeter than the violet, than the fleur-de-lis or the fresh rose, and God 
dwells and rests in her. No emerald, no gem is so pure as the pure woman, 
so precious or so flawless. Above every other creature should the good 
woman be honored. 



182 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

Plus ies ke fame a Diu despis, 
Dessavoures et awarpis. 

(Romans de Carite, st. 226, 228) 7 

Jean de Meung has been considered the greatest antifeminist 
of the age. It is not to be expected, indeed, that so satirical 
an author should praise women like the courtly Guillaume de 
Lorris. In many ways, notwithstanding, he was in advance of 
his times in his attitude towards women. It must be noted, 
first of all, that the most abusive passages of the Romance of the 
Rose are not given as the author's own view, but are put in the 
mouth of those whose cavil is slight reproach. Thus it is the 
brutal husband who utters the maledictions upon the female 
sex, which occupy lines 9204 to 10110. Since the jealous man's 
upbraiding is lengthened to include all the author's erudition 
on the subject of female depravity culled from Juvenal, Vale- 
rius, and other misogynists, the connection is lost, and the 
strictures are often quoted as the author's own. That Jean de 
Meung did not assent to this exaggerated reproach is shown, 
however, by his putting the opinions in question in the 
mouth of the cruel husband, by the upright friend's reprov- 
ing the violence of the husband and by the purpose of the 
book, which is a defence of marriage against celibacy. The 
friend says that although good women are few, yet when a 
paragon is found, she should be honored and cherished, and 
that a union cannot be happy unless the deference of courtship 
be continued after marriage. It is no wonder, concludes the 
friend, if the jealous man who slanders and strikes his wife 
must live in dread of meeting death through her vengeance. 
True, the friend's own experience had been unfortunate, he 
had not met the "perfect woman nobly planned," yet he 
counsels the lover to persevere in good hope of success. 

7 Thou who dishonorest a woman, thou dishonorest thyself; thou art 
not without shame, for thou dost a shameful act. Man in the eyes of the 
world is less dishonored by sin than woman, but he deserves worse of God 
and has more blame. Thou, man, who actest basely, art more despised 
by God than is woman; more repugnant to him, more hateful. 



PROTEST AGAINST SEX-DISCRIMINATION 183 

Mes quant Fen a la chose [la rose] aquise, 
Si reconvient il grant mestrise 
En bien garder et sagement, 
Qui joir en vuet longement. . . . 
S'est bien drois que chetis se claime 
Valez, quant il pert ce qu'il aime, 
Por quoi ce soit par sa defaute; . . . 
Meismement, quant Diex la done 
Sage, courtoise, simple et bone. . . . 

{Roman de la rose, 9009) 

Compains, cil fox vilains jalous, . . . 
[Qui] se fait seignor de sa fame, 
Qui ne redoit mie estre dame, 
Mes sa pareille et sa compaigne, 
Si cum la loi les acompaigne; 
Et il redoit ses compains estre, 
Sans soi faire seignor ne mestre; 
Quant tex tormens li apareille, 
Et ne la tient cum sa pareille, 
Ains la fait vivre en tel mesaise, 
Cuidies vous qu'il ne li desplaise, 
Et que Famor entr'eus ne faille? . . . 
Ja de sa fame n'iert ames 
Qui sire en vuet estre clames; 
Car il convient amor morir 
Quant amant vuelent seignor ir. 
Amors ne puet durer ne vivre, 
Se n'est en cuer franc et delivre. 

{Roman de la rose, 10171) 8 

8 But after one has acquired a thing desired [the rose], still great 
excellence is necessary in keeping it well and wisely, if one would enjoy it 
long. . . . And it is right that a young man should acknowledge himself 
a caitiff if he loses by his own fault what he loves, especially when God 
gives a love wise, courteous, sincere and good. . . . 

Friend, that false and jealous wretch (who) makes himself master over 
his wife (who in turn should not be mistress, but equal and companion, 
just as the law associates them) ; and he ought likewise to be her companion 
without making himself lord and master. When he treats her cruelly and 



184 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 

The most famous passage on the subject is, perhaps, the 
advice of La Vieille to Bel Acueil. The counsel is one of mer- 
cenary prudence: get more than you give; man's fancy is 
fleeting; demand a solid recompense. The text has been 
interpreted as an expression of Jean de Meung's belief in the 
baseness of the female character. It is, however, a parallel to 
the advice to the youth, put by Guillaume de Lorris in the 
mouth of Love, and, coming from a deserted woman, is a per- 
verted vindication of woman's rights. La Vieille advocates, 
too, the single standard. The fates of Dido, Oenone, Medea, 
show man's inconstancy. Let woman take a leaf from his book. 

Briement, tuit les lobent et trichent, 
Tuit sunt ribaut, partout se fichent; 
Si les doit Ten ausinc trichier, 
Non pas son cuer en un fichier. 
Fole est fame qui si l'a mis, 
Ains doit avoir plusors amis, 
Et faire, s'el puet, que tant plaise, 
Que tous les mete a grant mesaise. 

(Roman de la rose, 14206) 9 

Of less dubious morality are Jean de Meung's views concern- 
ing the benefit to woman's nature of instruction. One of his 
characters has praised Heloiise, as understanding beyond all 
other women the nobility of love. But how did Heloise attain 
this elevation of spirit? Through her marvelous proficiency in 
learned studies. 



does not regard her as his equal, but rather causes her to live in unhappi- 
ness, do you think that he does not anger her, and that love between them 
does not fail? Never will he who wishes to be regarded as lord be loved 
by his wife, for love must die when lovers desire superiority. Love cannot 
live or endure except in free and unconstrained hearts. 

9 In short, all men praise and deceive women. All are wretches, all 
are traitors. So women should deceive them, and not trust their heart 
to one alone. Foolish is the woman who gives her love to one alone; 
she ought rather to have several lovers and, by attracting as many as she 
can, to keep them all in great distress. 






PROTEST AGAINST SEX-DISCRIMINATION 185 

Si croi ge que la lectreure 
La mist a ce que la nature 
Que des meurs feminins avoit, 
Vaincre et danter miex en savoit. 

(Roman de la rose, 9576) 10 

A few words may be added here concerning the effect on 
woman's position of the poesie courtoise. It is easy, perhaps, 
to exaggerate its power in raising woman's status. There 
appears, indeed, in this poetry, despite its fulsome flattery of 
woman, the same defect that vitiates much of the social phi- 
losophy of the Middle Ages: the assumption that privileged 
individuals have the right to bestow happiness on others. So 
the moralists, with few exceptions, urged the king to be merciful 
to his subjects, instead of inciting the people to hold their kings 
accountable to them. So the preachers appealed to the gener- 
osity of the rich man instead of questioning his right to appro- 
priate so much of the world's goods. So in intellectual matters, 
the exhortation was to the priests to lead their flocks faithfully, 
and not to the individual to think out a belief and moral stand- 
ard for himself. We cannot, then, expect to find woman's 
rights to independence and happiness accorded more recogni- 
tion than were the rights of the people at large. In all social 
relations during the Middle Ages, progress was rendered hope- 
less by the vicious substitution of charity for justice as an ideal 
of conduct. 

It must further be recorded to the shame of the scholars 
that they went on repeating the platitudes of Oriental and 
decadent Latin writers on this subject. The ecclesiastical 
writers did more than all others to degrade women by alleging 
divine sanction for their views. 

It would be interesting to trace other influences, in the 
economic field, even then working for woman's emancipation, 
but as such influences do not reveal themselves in the litera- 
ture of the time, they do not properly belong here. 

10 And I believe that it was learning that enabled her to overcome the 
weaknesses of the feminine nature. 



186 THE SPIRIT OF PROTEST IN OLD FRENCH LITERATURE 



CONCLUSION 

The preceding chapters have traced, though by no means 
exhaustively, protests against the infraction of individual 
liberty by the king and the nobility, by the Church and by the 
conventions of society, so far as these protests were expressed 
in early French literature. We have seen that the writers of 
the time were by no means insensible or apathetic in regard to 
the evils about them. Nor were they afraid to speak boldly 
in the cause of righteousness. If, judging by their rebukes to 
the powerful, we pronounce the age "dark" indeed, yet in the 
discontent, the unrest of society, we see the gleam of hope. 
The people were, alas ! to wait long for even a measure of liberty : 
not for four hundred years were the chains of an absolute 
monarchy and a privileged nobility to be struck off; the 
Inquisition was to fetter minds and souls; the bonds of 
convention and of unequal laws were still to crush women's 
aspirations. Yet if the history of spiritual emancipation be 
ever fully written, the authors commemorated in this study 
will receive their meed of praise for having done, each in his 
day and generation, a man's work. 



APPENDIX A 

NOTES 

P. 3. A comparison of the early and the late chansons de geste with 
a view to showing the increasing deference to popular sentiments on the 
part of the poets has been made by J. Falk (Antipathies et sympathies demo- 
cratiques dans V epopee frangaise du moyen age, and Etude sociale sur les 
chansons de geste). His conclusion, however, is: "Les classes inferieures, 
bourgeois et vilains, tiennent dans l'epopee . . . une place assez effacee." 
"C'est le silence du mepris." 

The hard-worked, ignorant peasant is sketched as a figure both repul- 
sive and ridiculous, as in this description of Rigaut in Garin le Loherain 
(vol. ii, p. 152). 

Gros ot les bras et les membres fornis, 

Entre deux iaus plaine paume acompli, 

Larges epaules et si ot gros le pis; 

Hirecies fu, s'ot charbonne le vis, 

Ne fu laves de six mois acomplis, 

Ne n'i ot aive se du ciel ne chai, 

Cotele ot courte, jusqu'aus genous li vint, 

Hueses tirees dont li talon en ist. 

After twelve centuries of Christianity the portrait, from the standpoint 
of pity or even of simple justice, shows no advance upon that of Thersites. 
Yet if such lines could still raise a laugh among the thoughtless nobles, 
there were not wanting in the same years men like Etienne and Guillaume 
and the Renclus de Moiliens to ask: 

Who loosened and let down this brutal jaw? 
Whose was the hand that slanted back this brow? 
Whose breath blew out the light within this brain? 

To the credit of the Church be it said that the loudest and most insistent 
protest arose from her servants. 

The tone of Bauduin de Sebourc and of Hugues Capet (both of the four- 
teenth century, Gautier, Epopees francaises) is quite different. Bauduin, 
who supposes himself a peasant, is no whit ashamed of his lowly birth. 



188 APPENDIX A 

. . . Fiex sui d'un villain, qui n'ot vaillant riens nee. . . . 

. . . Pas ne sui villains de cuer ne de pensee, 

Et j'ai bien 01 dire, il a mainte journee, 

Que nulz horns n'est villains, de maise renommee, 

Se de cuer ne li vient; c'est ve>itez prouvee. 

{Bauduin de Sebourc, iii, 532-538) 

On another occasion Bauduin goes to the assistance of the bourgeois, be- 
sieging their lord's castle. He knows well the familiar tale of 

Coustumes, et servaiges, et grans desloiautez, 
Maletotes, et taillez, et grandes cruautes. 

{Bauduin de Sebourc, viii, 1117) 

As in the older chansons de geste the oppressed knight found an avenger 
in every truehearted chevalier, so in this popular epic the people find their 
champion. 

Je, qui sui chevaliers aventureus clames, 

M'avisai que c'estoit et meschief et pit6s 

Con vous avoit ensi et taillies et robes, . . . 

J'entrai en che chastel fervestus et armes; . . . 

Ains ne fu telz tresors que cha est assamblez! . . . 

. . . le vous renderai, car il vous fu embles. 

{Bauduin de Sebourc, viii, 1123) 

In Hugues Capet the leader is not ashamed of his humble origin. 

Bourgois sui de Paris. Pour coy en mentiroie? 
Et gentilesse aussi n'est drois que je renoie, 
Et s'ay bon cuer en my cou, povrez que je soie, 
Aussi bien comme ung rois vestu d'or ou de soie. 

{Hugues Capet, 397) 

The poet follows the tradition dear to his audience that the first king of 
France rose from their midst. Hugues Capet acknowledges that his power 
rests solely upon the people's will. 

Je suy rois couronnez de France le royon, 
Non mie par oirrie ne par estrasion, 
Mais par le vostre gre* et vostre elexion. 

{Hugues Capet, 4217) 

Occasionally even in the earlier chansons appears a sense of the obliga- 
tions of superiors, as in this charge of the King Charles to his son. 

Quant Deus fist rei por pueples justicier, 
II nel fist mie por false lei jugier, 



NOTES 189 

Faire luxure, ne alever pechie, 
Ne eir enfant por retolir son fie, 
Ne veve fame tolir quatre deniers; 
Ainz deit les torz abatre soz ses piez, . . . 
Ja al povre ome ne te chalt de tender; 
Si il se claime ne t'en deit ennoier, 
Ainceis le deis entendre et conseillier 
Por Famor Deu de son dreit adrecier. 

(Coronemenz Loots, 175, ed. E. Langlois) 

On the whole, however, the form of the chanson de geste did not lend 
itself readily to radical propaganda. 

P. 8. Ferrant is a favorite name for horses in the French epics (v. 
Langlois, Table de noms propres dans les chansons de geste). In the 
Chateauroux- Venice text of the Chanson de Roland (ed. W. Foerster), p. 390, 
Ferrant is the horse upon which the Christian knight, Terris, rides against 
Pinabeaus. 

Et bon cheval li font apareiller 
Ferrant ont pris qi fu au due Reiner 
en nule terre nen ot cheual tant fier 
car se il uoit un arme cheualier 
sore li cort por son cors depecer 
de deuant Cordes le conquist Oliuere 

(P. 383) 
Terris kills his opponent's horse, but Pinabeaus takes vengeance. 

lo destrier aconsiut par desoz le penel 

de sa bone armeure sunt fause li clauel 

qe la iambe li tranche iusca los del noel 

lors tresbuche Feranz desoz un arbresel (P. 390) 

To his study of Fauvel Paris adds this note (Histoire litteraire de la France, 

vol. 32, p. 135) : 

Ferrant, comme Fauvel, est a la fois une appellation^ generique 
et un nom individual de cheval; mais il y a sans doute ici une 
allusion a la mort du comte Ferrant ou Ferdinand de Flandres, le 
vaincu de Bouvines, sur le nom duquel on a beaucoup joue. 

P. 46. This passage from Philippe de Novare indicates a growth in 
democratic feeling among ecclesiastics, if we may accept the Chevalerie 
Ogier as evidence of aristocratic prejudice on the part of at least certain 
monasteries in the twelfth century. The abbot of Miaus de Saint Pharon 
offers the king his aid: 



190 APPENDIX A 

Face mander tos les moignes cloistriers 
Et les canoines, les prestres provendiers, 
Tost en ara assanle cent milliers, 
Grant sont et fort, vertuous et legiers, . . . 
Jou et moi moigne irons el front premier, 
L'auberc vestu, lacie l'elme d'achier, 
Et chaint le brant au puig d'or entaillie, 
Et bien montes sor les corans destriers. 
Chaiens n'a moigne, bien le puis tesmoignier 
Qui ne soit filx a gentil chevalier; 
Filx de vilain n'estra ja mes cloistriers. 

(Chevalerie Ogier, 1. 10622) 

P. 49. "Ce qui fait de Jean de Meung le chef anticipe de la littera- 
ture du XIV e siecle, c'est l'inspiration la plus intime de son ceuvre, l'idee 
de traiter en francais, a l'usage des laiiques qui ne savent pas le clerkois, les 
sciences, la philologie, la theologie, l'histoire ancienne et moderne. C'est 
lib ... ce qui caracterise avant tout cette epoque, et ce qui lui vaudra . . . 
une mention honorable de l'histoire: le desir des laiques de s'initier a la 
science des clercs. ... On a mis en francais plusieurs ouvrages d'Aristote, 
. . . de Ciceron, de S6neque et de Boece, toute l'histoire de Tite Live, 
celle de Salluste, les biographies de Suetone, le grand recueil d'anecdotes 
de Valere Maxime, l'ouvrage de Vegece sur l'art militaire, etc." 

(Poesie du moyen age, Vol. II, p. 196, G. Paris) 

P. 83. The documentary evidence collected by Devic and Vaissette 
in their Histoire generate de Languedoc shows a melancholy decline on the 
part of the counts of Toulouse from independence to abject submission. 
These documents are of interest : 

Col. 340, doc. 37. Sentence of the archbishop of Narbonne against 

heretics 
Col. 437, doc. 91. Letter of Celestine III to the Count of Toulouse, 

threatening excommunication 
Col. 557, doc. 138. Letters of Philip to the pope 
Col. 563, doc. 142. Authorization of the crusade by Philip 
Col. 803, doc. 239. Reconciliation of Raymond VII with the Church 
Col. 593, doc. 300. Statutes of Raymond VII against heretics 

P. 115. In 1256 a papal collector said at the synod of London: "Om- 
nes ecclesiae sunt domini papae." The popes in the thirteenth century 
certainly acted upon this principle. The French churches were taxed for 
the Crusades, for the support of the Latin kingdom at Constantinople, 
even for the strife of the popes with the Hohenstaufen princes. In 1247 
Innocent IV had asked not only for money, but for soldiers. In May of 



NOTES 191 

that year, and again in June, a protest was made by the French churches. 
The document is thus translated by Langlois: 

II est inoui de voir le Saint-Siege . . . imposer a l'eglise de France des 
subsides, des contributions prises sur le temporel, quand le temporel, des 
eglises . . . ne releve que du roi, ne peut etre impose que par lui. II est 
inoui d'entendre par le monde cette parole: "Donnez moi tant, ou je vous 
excommunie." L'Eglise qui n'a plus souvenir de sa simplicite primitive 
est etouffee par ses richesses, qui ont produit dans son sein l'avarice, avec 
toutes ses consequences. . . . Ce systeme a ete pour la premiere fois mis 
en pratique par le cardinal de Preneste, qui ... a impose des procura- 
tions pecuniaires a toutes les eglises du royaume; il faisait venir les eccle- 
siastiques et il disait: " Je vous ordonne de payer telle somme a l'ordre 
du pape, dans tel delai, a, tel endroit, et sachez que faute cela, vous serez 
excommunie." . . . En ce moment les freres Mineurs font . . . une 
nouvelle collecte en Bourgogne; ils ont ete jusqu'a convoquer les chapitres 
des cathedrales et les eveques . . . et a leur enjoindre verser dans la 
quinzaine de Paques le septieme de tous leurs revenus ecclesiastiques . . . 
ailleurs, c'est le cinquieme qu'il exacte. ... Le roi ne peut tolerer que 
l'on depouille ainsi les eglises de son royaume. ... II entend . . . 
reserver 'pro sua et regni necessitate' leurs tresors. 

In 1262 a synod refused Urban IV the subsidy he had asked, saying: 
"L'Eglise des Gaules gemissait depuis trop longtemps sous les charges 
trop pesantes." Yet in 1265 Clement IV asked for new subsidies. The 
Assembly of Rheims declared that "rather than obey the orders of the 
Pope, it was ready to brave excommunication, for the rapacity of the 
Curia would not cease until the obedience and devotion of the clergy 
ceased." 

(Histoire du moyen age, pp. 370 ff., C. V. Langlois) 

P. 118. Fratres namque quaedam nova praedicabant, legebant, doce- 
bant, ut dicebatur, deliramenta. . . . Et quendam librum composuerunt, 
quern sic eis intitulare complacuit, Incipit Evangelium aeternum. . . . 
Subsannavit populus, eleemosinas consuetas subtrahendo, vocans eos 
hypocritas, et Antichristi successores, pseudopraedicatores, regnum et 
principum adulatores, et eorundem supplantatores, thalamorum regalium 
subintratores, qui peragrantes ignotas provincias peccandi audacium 
subministrant. 

(Chronica majora Matthaei Pariensis, ed. H. R. Luard, pp. 598, 599) 

P. 131. In the Gibbs MS. of the Pelerinage de la vie humaine of Guil- 
laume de Deguilleville is a miniature representing Saint Francis on the 
walls of the heavenly city, letting down his knotted cord to draw up the 
monks of his order. The verses are: 



192 ' APPENDIX A 

Apres Saint Francois (i) revi 
Qui bien se moustroit estre ami 
A ceus de sa religion, 
Quar si com j'o en vision, 
Une corde bien cordee 
Qui par lieux estoit noee 
Contre val les murs mise avoit 
Par la quelle chascun rampoit 
Qui bien estoit son acointe. 
Ja nul n'euste la main si ointe 
Qu'assez tost en haut ne rampast, 
Se forment aus neuz s'agrapast. 
(Pelerinage de la vie humaine, 143, Roxburghe edition) 

P. 133. A translation of an amusing satire on the Mendicant Orders 
is given in Costello's Early Poetry of France. The piece is the Crieries de 
Paris by Guillaume de Villeneuve. 

Bread for the Brothers of Saint James, 
Bread every holy Minor claims, 
The Carmelites must needs be fed, 
And each Augustin shouts for bread; 
Loudly the Sackcloth Brothers cry; 
Who may the Sackcloth nuns deny? 
Bread for the Prisoners must be spared, 
Bread with the Scholars must be shared. 
The Barefoot Friars assert their right, 
The Blind exclaim with main and might. 
The Bons Enfans call loud and high, 
The Filles de Dieu beg lustily. 
Behind, before, without, within, 
Deep, long and clamorous is the din. 

The French version is printed in the Nouveau recueil des fabliaux of M6on, 
vol. 2, p. 280. 

Aus Freres de Saint Jacque pain, 

Pain por Dieu aus Freres Menors; 

Cels tieng je por bons preneors; 

Aus Freres de Saint Augustin, 

Icil vont criant par matin. 

Du pain au Sas, pain aus Barrez, 

Aus povres prisons enserrez, 

A eels du Val des Ecoliers. 

Li uns avant, li autre arriere, 



NOTES 193 

Aus Freres des pies demandent 
Et li croisie pas ne s'atendent; 
A pain crier metent grant paine. 
Les Bons Enfants orrez crier 
Du pain, ne les vueil oublier 
Les Fines Dieu sevent bien dire. 
Du pain, por Jhesu notre sire. 
Qa du pain por Dieu aus Sachesses. 
Par les rues sont grans les presses, 
Je vous di, de ces gens menues. 

P. 135. In 1390 Gui de Roye, archbishop of Rheims, wrote his Doc- 
trinal des simples gens. He begins his chapter on the soul thus: 

Pour ce que moult de simples gens dient qu'ils ne scevent quelle 
chose c'est de l'arme [ame] et que, quant le corps es mort, qu'ils 
n'auront jamais ne bien ne mal: il est mauvaise heresie de le dire. 

(Legrand d'Aussy, Notices et extraits des manuscrits, vol. v, p. 521) 

P. 137. In Aliscans Rainouart is the young and strong Saracen captive 
purchased by King Louis for a hundred marks. Guillaume, recognizing 
that his mighty strength might be better employed than in building fires 
and drawing water, asks him of Louis. Rainouart, overjoyed to set about 
the more congenial task of killing the heathen, furnishes himself with an 
immense club made from the king's own tree. Henceforth he who offends 
him does so at his peril. To stretch three men in the road, to toss another 
into a tree, to cast a cook into the furnace, scarcely costs him an exertion. 
His affections centre on his stick; he kisses it again and again, he will not 
let it out of his sight, he glories in its huge size, as chevaliers in the temper 
of their swords, he had dreamed for seven years of shaping such a weapon. 

En un gardin va un sapin coper; . . . 

Molt par ert gros, ou monde n'a son per; 

.C. cevalier s'i puent aombrer. 

Li rois de France ne le laissast coper 

Ki li vausist .c. mars d' argent doner; 

Car cascun jor s'ala illuec disner 

Rois Loeis et son cors deporter. 

Et Rainoars le prist a esgarder, 

Dedens son cuer forment a gouloser. . . . 

"Ki cest bel arbre porroit de chi oster 

Molt seroit bons as Sarrasins tuer. 

Jel vel avoir, qui q'en doie peser; 

Tout mon parage en vaurrai afronter, 

Se Jhesu Crist ne veulent aourer." 



194 APPENDIX A 

Un carpentier i ala amener, 
Sel fist trencier et ses brances oster. 
.xv. pies ot, si com j'oi conter; 
A .vii. costieres Fa bien fait roonder. . . . 
Prist son tinel, si commence a chanter. 
De cief en cief le fist rere et planer, 
Vient a un f evre, sel fist devant f errer, 
Et a grans bendes tout entor viroler. 
Ens el tenant le fist bien reonder; 
Por le glacier le fist entor cirer 
Ke ne li puisse fors des poins escaper. 
Quant il Tot fait bien loier et bender, . . . 
Son tinel prist, mist soi ou retorner. 
Tout chil s'en fuient ki li voient porter; 
Grant paour ont de lui. . . . 

A grant mervelle fu de tos redoutes. 

Dist Fun a, Fautre: "Ou ira cis maufes? 

Voirement c'est Rainoars au tinel." . .,. „„,,, 

(Ahscans, 3377) .- 

P. 147. The Albigensians appear to have maintained that the pun- 
ishment of the rebel angels was their incarnation in fleshly forms, whether 
of men or of the lower animals, and that after a period of expiation these 
fallen souls would be restored to their heavenly state. These vagaries 
of belief probably affected only the inner circle of disciples, the Perfecti, 
those to whom the esoteric doctrines of the sect were expounded; the 
main body of believers, the Credentes, saw in the movement aspiration 
after a simpler form of worship and a purer mode of living. 

P. 155. Reason was a favorite allegoric figure of the thirteenth cen- 
tury poetry. In the Pelerinage de la vie humaine she promises her aid to 

^ ' Mais toutevoies se mestier 



As de moy, entour toi me quier. 
Quar se me quiers diliganment, 
Tu m'aras assez prestement. 



(11. 5147-6490) 



Romantic as is the spirit of Guillaume de Lorris' verse, he nevertheless 
pictures Reason with something of Homer's reverence for Athene. She 
who sees all things from her high tower, la dame de la haute garde, has 
descended to advise the lover. 

Li oel qui en son chief estoient 
A deus estoiles ressembloient; 
Si ot au chief une couronne, 
Bien resembloit haute personne. 



NOTES 195 

A son semblant et a son vis 
Pert que fu faite en paradis, 
Car Nature ne seust pas 
Ovre faire de tel compas. 
Sachies, se la lettre ne ment 
Que Diex la fist nomeement 
A sa semblance et a s'ymage, 
Et li donna tel avantage, 
Qu'el a pooir et seignorie 
De garder homme de folie 
Por qu'il soit tex que il la croie. 

(Roman de la rose, 2993) 

P. 156. Mullinger writes: "The University of Paris throughout the 
thirteenth century well nigh monopolized the interest of learned Europe. 
Thither thought and speculation seemed irresistibly drawn. It was there 
the new orders fought the decisive battle for place and power; that new 
forms of scepticism rose in rapid succession, and heresies of varying mo- 
ment riveted the watchful eye of Rome; . . . and it was from this seething 
centre those influences went forth which predominated in the contemporary 
history of Oxford and Cambridge." And in another place: "The mon- 
asteries and episcopal schools . . . represent[edj . . , the stationary 
element, while the universities attracted to themselves whatever lay 
beneath the ban of unreasoning authority." 

(J. B. Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, vol. i, p. 133, 70) 

To show the boldness of speculation at the University of Paris before 
the perfected organization, Compayre mentions among other unorthodox 
teachers David de Dinant, who taught a pantheistic doctrine in the twelfth 
century, Amauri de Bena, suspected of promulgating the Albigensian 
heresies, Gilles, who propounded to Albertus Magnus such propositions 
as, The world is eternal, Human actions are not subject to Providence, 
There are fables and errors in the Christian law as in all other laws, adding 
that these theses were maintained in the schools of Paris by the most 
learned doctors. Renan points out that the Opuscules of Albertus Magnus 
and the treatise of Thomas Aquinas, Contra Averroistas, were aimed at the 
professors of the Rue du Fouarre. 

(Compayre, Abelard) 

Concerning the dissemination by the "clercs" of a spirit of criticism 
towards the teachings of the Church and the manners of the clergy, Gautier 
has much to say. He deplores the number of "ces clercs depraves qui, 
notamment aux 12 e et 13 e siecles, ont etc* de veritables jongleurs, mais 
dangereux, mais sceptiques, mais condamnables et condamnes. II est trop 



196 APPENDIX A 

vrai que la France, l'Allemagne et l'Angleterre ont ete envahis par tout 
un mauvais petit peuple de clercs errantiques, qui chantaient en latin de 
d£testables petits poemes ou la cour de Rome et les moines etaient vili- 
pendes, calomnies, traines dans la boue. Ces bouffons avaient du succes 
pres de tous ceux que le Pape genait, et Ton riait toujours d'un mauvais 
rire quand ils accusaient de cupidite tous les clercs de leur temps et qu'ils 
leur faisaient chanter Vevangelium secundum marcas argenti. 

(L. Gautier, Epopees frangaises, p. 42) 

P. 176. As the present essay is limited to a study of protest against 
social injustice, it has not been deemed relevant to discuss the great mass 
of misogynist literature with which the Middle Ages were afflicted. The 
bibliography of T. L. Neff 's Satire des femmes au moyen dge directs the 
student to much antifeminist writing. How far we are to accept the 
derogatory conception of woman in these works and especially in the 
fabliaux as evidence of a low moral standard in medieval society has been 
debated. 

"On est etonne, quand on devient familier avec la litterature du moyen 
age, de voir l'acharnement souvent grossier avec lequel les femmes y sont 
denigrees. On est surtout choque quand on aborde cette litterature avec 
les idees courantes sur la galanterie delicate et passionee et le culte de la 
femme qu'on attribue aux temps chevaleresques. . . . Notre [generation] 
repete encore les contes injurieux pour le beau sexe . . . sans accepter la 
morale . . . seulement pour rire; . . . c'est ce que faisaient nos peres, et 
il ne faut pas apprecier la maniere dont ils jugaient les femmes et le mariage 
d'apres quelques vieilles histoires venus de 1' Orient qu'ils se sont amuses 
a mettre en jolis vers." 

(G. Paris, Poesie du moyen dge, vol. ii, 104) 

Brunetiere, however, judges the literature closer to actual conditions: 
"Les femmes dans le monde bourgeois du moyen age semblent avoir courbe 
la tete aussi bas qu'en aucun temps et qu'en aucun lieu de la terre sous 
la loi de la force et de la brutalite. Ni la mere, ni la sceur, ni l'epouse 
n'ont place dans cette epopee populaire. Une telle conception de la femme 
est le deshonneur d'une litterature." 

(F. Brunetiere, in Revue des deux mondes for 1879) 

"Le type general de la femme, tel qu'il se degage de l'ensemble des 
fableaux, est un type conventionnel et aussi faux que conventionnel. . . . 
II est entendu que les femmes sont versatiles, trompeuses, cyniquement 
impudiques. ... La femme qui mettent en scene les jongleurs et 
meme les jongleurs de chansons de geste, c'est l'etre vicieux et faible, 
mais eminemment redoutable, que concoivent la naivete et l'inexperience 
monacales; c'est la femme malignant decrite par les parabolistes boud- 
dhistes, aussi desireux que les moines Chretiens d'inspirer le degout du 



NOTES 197 

manage et de glorifier le celibat. . . . Les femmes dans les fableaux 
n'appartiennent point a notre humanite occidentale et chretienne; . . . 
ce sont des poupees barbares." 

(C. V. Langlois, La societe du moyen age d'apres les fableaux, p. 229) 

The work of J. Bedier Les fabliaux, ch. x, xii, xiii, and the article by 
Victor Le Clerc in the Histoire litteraire de la France, vol. 23, should also 
be consulted. 

Gautier in his work, La chevalerie, based upon the French epics, men- 
tions several women, such as Guibourc in Aliscans, who commanded 
respect and possessed considerable power, but he admits that degrading 
brutality in the treatment of women was all too common (p. 349 ff.). 
Protest against such conditions would have been, apparently, not only 
futile, but inconsistent with the beauty of feminine character. Even 
M. Gautier speaks of Olive in Doon de la Roche as "un type admirable 
qui injustement accusee par son mari, qui la repudie et epouse une autre 
femme, lui reste fidele et Faime tou jours." The popularity of such a 
theme, which we meet with also in Le fraisne of Marie de France and in 
the Erec of Chretien de Troyes, proves the existence of social conventions 
among which a demand for justice from women could not arise. 

So late as 1403 Christine de Pisan refers to conditions in real life, and 
that too not among the lowest class, in a way that seems to establish that 
correspondence between literature and actuality which the French critics, 
to their credit, are reluctant to admit. 

Sont ils cortois ou gent haye 

Ceulx qui tant dient villenie 

A femmes, comme pourroit dire 

Le plus ort vilain de F empire? 

Que dis je, dient? mes leur font 

Les aucuns, dont trop se mesfont. 

Tesmoing d'ung que je ne congnois, 

Mes il baty, n'a pas trois mois, 

Une femme, dessus le pont 

De Paris, dont il mesprist moult. 

Et si est homme de renon. . . . 

A son saoul la baty d'une aulne 

Devant chascun, et de la paulme. . . . 

Et dist on qu'ele est sans diffame. . . . 

Mais, Dieu merci! ne sont tous tels. 

{IAvre de la mutation de la fortune, p. 70) 

Much material for the study of the status of women in medieval French 
society has been collected by Mathilde Laigle in her discussion of the Livre 
des trois vertus of Christine de Pisan. 






198 APPENDIX A 

P. 184. One of the first notes of feminine insurgency was the demand 
for greater educational opportunities. A passage from Christine de Pisan 
shows that this demand was on its way to satisfaction. 

Je me merveille trop fort de l'opinion de aucuns hommes, qu'ilz 
ne vouldroient point que leurs filles, femmes ou parentes, aprenissent 
science et que leurs mceurs en empiroient. Par ce peuz tu bien veoir 
que toutes opinions d'hommes ne sont pas fondees sur raison et que 
ceulx ont tort; car il ne doit mye etre presume que de scavoir les 
sciences morales, et qui apprennent vertu, les mceurs doyent empirer, 
ains n'est point de doubte que ils anoblissent. Comme doncques est il 
a penser que bonnes lecons et doctrine les peust empirer? Cette chose 
n'est pas a soustenir . . . que les femmes empirent de scavoir du bien 
n'est pas a croire. . . . Sans querir les anciennes ystoires, Jenan 
Andry, solennel canoniste a Bouloigne [d. 1348] n'a pas lx ans, 
n'estoit pas d'opinion que mal fust que femmes fussent lettrees, quant 
a sa bonne et belle fille qu'il ama tant, nominee Novelle, fist apprendre 
lettres, et si avant, que quant il estoit occupe d'aucune besoigne, par 
quoy il ne povoit vaquer et lire a ses escoliers, il y envoyoit Novelle, 
sa fille, lire en sa chaire. 

(Cite des dames, lib. iv, ch. 36, quoted in Excursions historiques et 
philosophiques a travers le moyen dge, A. Jourdain, p. 502). 



APPENDIX B 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

(a) Works in Old French 

Les quatre dges de Vhomme (Des quatre tenz d , aage d'ome), Philippe de 

Navarre, ed. Marcel de Freville. Paris, 1888, 
Le besant de Dieu, Guillaume le Clerc, ed. Ernst Martin. Halle, 1869. 
Le bestiaire, Guillaume le Clerc, ed. Robert Reinsch. Leipzig, 1890. 
La chanson de la Croisade contre les Albigeois, commencee par Guillaume de 

Tudele et continuee par un poke anonyme, ed. Paul Meyer. Paris, 1875. 
Les plus anciens chansonniers frangais, Jules Brakelman. Paris, 1870- 

1884. 
Des chansons populaires, Charles Nisard. Paris, 1867. 
Choix des poesies originales des troubadours, Francois Raynouard. Paris, 

1819. 
Fauvel (v. La vie au moyen age, C. V. Langlois). 

Poesies de Gilles li Muisis, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove. Louvain, 1882. 
Guillaume de Dole (v. Le roman de la rose), ed. G. Servois. Paris, 1893. 
Les oeuvres de Guiot de Provins, ed. John Orr. Manchester, 1915. 
Lamenta (Les lamentations de Matheolus de Jehan le Fevre), ed. A.-G. 

Van Hamel. Paris, 1892. 
La nobla leygon, ed. Edouard Montet. Paris, 1888. 
Le lime des manieres, Etienne de Fougeres, ed. Josef Kremer. Marburg, 

1887. 
Les miracles de la Sainte Vierge, Gautier de Coincy, ed. l'abbe Poquet. 

Paris, 1857. 
Le mireour du monde, ed. Felix Chavannes. Lausanne, 1845. 
Miserere, li Renclus de Moiliens, ed. A.-G. Van Hamel. Paris, 1885. 
Las novas del heretje, ed. Paul Meyer (v. Annuaire bulletin de la societe de 

Vhistoire de la France, 1879, pp. 233; 443). 
Le pelerinage de vie humaine, Guillaume de Deguileville, ed. J. J. Stiirzinger. 

London, 1893. 
Provenzalische chrestomathie, Carl Appel. Leipzig, 1907. 
Renart le Contrefait, ed. Gaston Raynaud et Henri Lemaitre. Paris, 1914. 
Li romans de Carite, li Renclus de Moiliens, ed. A.-G. Van Hamel. Paris 

1885. 
Li romanz de la poire, Thibaut, ed. Friedrich Stehlich. Halle, 1881. 



200 APPENDIX B 

Le roman de la rose, Guillaume de Lorris et Jean de Meung, ed. Francisque 

Michel. Paris, 1864. 
Le roman de la rose, ou de Guillaume de Dole, ed. G. Servois. Paris, 1893. 
Le roman de Rou, Robert Wace, ed. Hugo Andresen. Heilbronn, 1877. 
(Euvres completes de Rutebeuf, ed. Achille Jubinal. Paris, 1874. 
Rustebeuf, ed. Adolf Kressner. Wolfenbuttel, 1885. 
Les derniers troubadours de la Provence, Paul Meyer. Paris, 1871. 
Les vers de la mort, Helinant, moine de Froidmont, ed. Fr. Wulff et Emile 

Walberg. Paris, 1905. 

(6) Works of General Reference 

Abelard and the origin and early history of the universities, Gabriel Compayr6. 

New York, 1893. 
Antipathies et sympathies democratiques dans V epopee frangaise du moyen 
dge, Josef Falk. (V. Melange de philologie romane dediee a Carl Wahl- 
und. Macon, 1896.) 
Catholic encyclopedia. New York, 1904-1914. 
La chevalerie, Leon Gautier. Paris, 1884. 

Dictionnaire de theologie catholique, ed. Vacant et Mangenot. Paris, 1904. 
Chronica majora Matthoei Parisiensis, ed. H. R. Luard. London, 1880. 
The classical heritage of the Middle Ages, H. O. Taylor. New York, 1911. 
Comment faut iljuger le moyen dgef Leon Gautier. Paris, 1876. 
Les epopees frangaises, Leon Gautier. Paris, 1876. 
Etude sociale sur les chansons de geste, Josef Falk. Nykoping, 1899. 
English literature from the Norman Conquest to Chaucer, W. H. Schofield. 

New York, 1906. 
Excursions historiques et philosophiques a travers le moyen dge, Charles 

Jourdain. Paris, 1888. 
Les fabliaux, ch. x, xii, xiii, Joseph Bedier. Paris, 1893. 
La femme et V amour au xii e siecle, Myrrha Borodine. Paris, 1909. 
Histoire des Albigeois, Napoleon Peyrat. Paris, 1870. 
Histoire et doctrine de la secte des Cathares ou Albigeois, C. Schmidt. Paris, 

1849. 
Histoire generate de Languedoc, vol. viii, Devic et Vaissette. Toulouse, 

1879. 
Histoire de la langue et de la litterature frangaise, publiee sous la direction 

de L. Petit de Julleville, vol. i, ii. Paris, 1896. 
Histoire litteraire de la France. Paris, 1733-1914. 

L'etat des lettres en France au 13 e siecle, P. Daunou, vol. 16, pp. 1-254. 

Rutebeuf, P. Paris, vol. 20, pp. 719-783. 

Guillaume de Saint-Amour, Victor LeClerc, vol. 19, pp. 197-215; vol. 

21, pp. 468-499. 
Chansonniers, P. Paris, vol. 23, pp. 512-838. 
Jean de Meung, P. Paris, vol. 23, pp. 1-61; vol. 28, pp. 391-439. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 201 

L'etat des lettres en France au 14 e siecle, Victor Le Clerc, vol 24, 

pp. 1-602. 
Le roman de Fauvel, G. Paris, vol. 32, pp. 108-153. 
Histoire litteraire des Vaudois du Piemont, Edouard Montet. Paris, 1885, 
Histoire de la litterature frangaise, Gustave Lanson. Paris, 1898. 
Histoire du moyen age, C. V. Langlois. Paris, 1895. 
Histoire de la poesie provengale, C. Fauriel. Paris, 1847. 
Histoire des revolutions de I 'esprit frangais, de la langue et de la litterature 

frangaises du moyen age, F. D. Bancel. Paris, 1878. 
Histoire de VUniversite de Paris, M. Crevier. Paris, 1761. 
Jean Clopinel, Felix Guillon. Paris, 1903. 
Jongleurs et trouveres, Achille Jubinal. Paris, 1835. 
Leben und werke der troubadours, Friedrich Diez. Zwickau, 1829. 
De la litterature didactique du moyen dge s'adressant specialment aux femmes, 

Alice Hentsch. Cahors, 1903. 
Life in the medieval university, R. S. Rait. Cambridge, 1912. 
The lives of the troubadours, Ida Farnell. London, 1896. 
The mediaeval mind, H. O. Taylor. London, 1914. 
Les origines de la poesie lyrique en France, Alfred Jeanroy. Paris, 1889. 
La poesie au moyen dge, Leon Cledat. Paris, 1893. 
La poesie au moyen dge, Gaston Paris. Paris, 1895. 
Recueil de Vorigine de la langue et poesie frangoise, Claude Fauchet. Paris, 

1581. 
The religion of the ancient Celts, J. A. MacCulloch. Edinburgh, 1911. 
The rise and constitution of medieval universities, S. S. Laurie. New York, 

1887. 
Renart le contrefait, G. Raynaud, in Romania, vol. 37, pp. 245-283. 
Rutebeuf, Leon Cledat. Paris, 1891. 
La satire des femmes dans la poesie lyrique du moyen dge, T. L. Neff. Paris, 

1900. 
La societe frangaise au treizieme siecle, d'apres dix romans, C. V. Langlois. 

Paris, 1904. 
La satire en France au moyen dge, Charles Lenient. Paris, 1893. 
La societe du moyen dge d'apres les fableaux, C. V. Langlois. (V. Revue 

bleue, vol. 48, pp. 227; 289.) 
The thirteenth greatest of centuries, J. J. Walsh. New York, 1902. 
Les troubadours, Joseph Anglade. Paris, 1908. 
The troubadours of Dante, H. J. Chaytor. Cambridge, 1902. 
The troubadours at home, J. H. Smith. New York, 1899. 
Universities of Europe, Hastings Rashdall (vol. i, ch. v). Oxford, 1875. 
The University of Paris in the thirteenth century, C. Haskins. (V. American 

Historical' Review, vol. x, pp. 1-27.) 
La vie en France au moyen dge d'apres quelques moralistes, C. V. Langlois. 

Paris, 1908. 



VITA 

The writer of this study was born in Eastport, Maine, in 
1871. She received the degree of A.B. from the University of 
Chicago in 1905, and that of A.M. from Radcliffe in 1906. She 
would acknowledge here her indebtedness to the professors 
of these institutions, as well as to the professors of Columbia 
University with whom her more recent work is associated. 



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